Economic Freedom Fighters v Speaker of the National Assembly

Economic Freedom Fighters v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others; Democratic Alliance v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others [2016] ZACC 11 is a major judgment of the Constitutional Court of South Africa which finds that President Jacob Zuma breached the South African Constitution by failing to implement the recommendations in the Public Protector's Nkandla report.

EFF v Speaker; DA v Speaker
Court	Constitutional Court of South Africa
Full case name	Economic Freedom Fighters v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others; Democratic Alliance v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others
Decided	31 March 2016
Citation(s)	[2016] ZACC 11
Court membership
Judges sitting	Mogoeng CJ, Moseneke DCJ, Bosielo AJ, Cameron J, Froneman J, Jafta J, Khampepe J, Madlanga J, Mhlantla J, Nkabinde J, Zondo J
Case opinions
Recommendations of the Public Protector are binding unless set aside by a court. President Zuma and the National Assembly breached the South African Constitution by failing to implement the Nkandla report.
Decision by	Mogoeng CJ (unanimous)
Keywords
Constitutional law

Background

In 2009, during President Zuma's first term, his Nkandla homestead was extensively renovated and upgraded.^[1][2] The Presidency said these were lawful security upgrades.^[3] However, it soon emerged that the upgrades included non-security features like a swimming pool and cattle kraal. The Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela, began an investigation into the apparent misuse of state resources. On 19 March 2014, she released her so-called Nkandla report, which found that some of the upgrades were unlawful and recommended that President Zuma pay back the money used for them.^[4]

The report proved highly controversial, as Zuma and his ANC government refused to act on it and questioned its legitimacy.^[5] On three occasions during 2014, the Presidency wrote letters to the Public Protector taking a skeptical attitude to the report.^[1] On 14 August 2014 Zuma said he would allow Parliament, and the Minister of Police, to determine what remedial steps, if any, he should take.^[6] He later denied that the Public Protector's recommendations were legally binding.^[7] Zuma's evasiveness led to severe and widespread criticism, including by opposition parties the Economic Freedom Fighters and Democratic Alliance. EFF MPs frequently interrupted parliamentary proceedings to demand that Zuma "pay back the money",^[8][9] leading to confrontations between them and Speaker of the National Assembly Baleka Mbete, considered by some to be partial to Zuma in her management of parliamentary proceedings.^[10][11][12] On one such occasion, at Zuma's 2015 State of the Nation address, these interruptions led to brawl between MPs and security personnel and a subsequent court action (which was decided against the government).^[13][14] When Zuma appeared in Parliament he repeatedly ignored or laughed off questions about Nkandla.^[15][16][17] Eventually the EFF announced, in May 2015, that it would file a court application to compel Zuma to act on the Public Protector's report.^[18][19] The DA filed a similar application shortly thereafter.^[20]

 

The EFF's Julius Malema, who led many of the parliamentary protests against President Zuma but eventually opted for litigation.

As anticipated, the ANC-controlled National Assembly constituted an ad hoc committee to conduct a parallel investigative process led by Minister of Police Nathi Nhleko, whose report, released in August 2015, purported to "exonerate" Zuma.^[21] This report was adopted by Parliament on 18 August 2015.^[22] On this basis, Zuma continued to ignore the Public Protector's recommendations.

On 8 October 2015 the Supreme Court of Appeal of South Africa handed down a judgment in a separate matter (namely SABC v DA, about the Hlaudi Motsoeneng saga) that found the Public Protector's reports are legally binding.^[23] In doing so the Court reversed the High Court, whose judgment on 24 October 2014 had said the reports are merely advisory.^[24]

Hearing

A week before the hearing, the Presidency made a surprise attempt to settle the matter and compiled a draft order offering to pay back some of the money.^[25][26] The Public Protector noted that the draft order reflected only "partial" compliance with her recommendations.^[27] The EFF made a counter-offer in the form of a draft order stating that the Nkandla report was legally binding on Zuma and that by failing to implement it he had breached the South African Constitution and his oath of office.^[27] The parties failed to reach a settlement.

The hearing took place on 9 February 2016.^[28] At it, Zuma's counsel, Jeremy Gauntlett SC, made a series of major concessions, including that the Nkandla report was binding on Zuma, but asked the Court not to declare that Zuma had acted unconstitutionally.^[28] The issue was significant because such a declaration would be a basis for Zuma's impeachment.^[28] Zuma's strategy was perceived as an attempt to evade responsibility and throw his ministers under the bus.^[28][29] Minister Nhleko's legal team, in turn, said his "hands were tied" because he was following instructions from Zuma and the National Assembly.^[29] Only Speaker Baleka Mbete's counsel, Lindi Nkosi-Thomas SC, seriously disputed the EFF and DA's account of the facts and law, but was ultimately forced to capitulate and was widely mocked for her "bumbling" performance.^[29][30]

Judgment

The Constitutional Court's unanimous judgment was delivered on 31 March 2016 by Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng.^[31] It confirms the SCA's holding in SABC v DA that the Public Protector's recommendations are binding. It does this on the basis of a purposive interpretation of the South African Constitution; without the power to make binding recommendations, Mogoeng CJ holds, the Public Protector would be ineffectual:

[The Public Protector's] investigative powers are not supposed to bow down to anybody, not even at the door of the highest chambers of raw State power. The predicament though is that mere allegations and investigation of improper or corrupt conduct against all, especially powerful public office-bearers, are generally bound to attract a very unfriendly response. An unfavourable finding of unethical or corrupt conduct coupled with remedial action, will probably be strongly resisted in an attempt to repair or soften the inescapable reputational damage. It is unlikely that unpleasant findings and a biting remedial action would be readily welcomed by those investigated. If compliance with remedial action taken were optional, then very few culprits, if any at all, would allow it to have any effect. And if it were, by design, never to have a binding effect, then it is incomprehensible just how the Public Protector could ever be effective in what she does and be able to contribute to the strengthening of our constitutional democracy.

The upshot, according to Mogoeng, is that the Public Protector's recommendations must be implemented unless they are set aside by a court:

When remedial action is binding, compliance is not optional, whatever reservations the affected party might have about its fairness, appropriateness or lawfulness. For this reason, the remedial action taken against those under investigation cannot be ignored without any legal consequences. This is so, because our constitutional order hinges also on the rule of law. No decision grounded on the Constitution or law may be disregarded without recourse to a court of law. To do otherwise would "amount to a licence to self-help". Whether the Public Protector’s decisions amount to administrative action or not, the disregard for remedial action by those adversely affected by it, amounts to taking the law into their own hands and is illegal. No binding and constitutionally or statutorily sourced decision may be disregarded willy-nilly. It has legal consequences and must be complied with or acted upon. To achieve the opposite outcome lawfully, an order of court would have to be obtained.

 

President Jacob Zuma, who was held to have violated the Constitution in the course of the Nkandla scandal.

Since President Zuma ignored the report even without having them set aside, Mogoeng held he had breached the South African Constitution:

The President thus failed to uphold, defend and respect the Constitution as the supreme law of the land. This failure is manifest from the substantial disregard for the remedial action taken against him by the Public Protector in terms of her constitutional powers. The second respect in which he failed relates to his shared section 181(3) obligations. He was duty-bound to, but did not, assist and protect the Public Protector so as to ensure her independence, impartiality, dignity and effectiveness by complying with her remedial action. He might have been following wrong legal advice and therefore acting in good faith. But that does not detract from the illegality of his conduct regard being had to its inconsistency with his constitutional obligations in terms of sections 182(1)(c) and 181(3) read with 83(b).

Mogoeng also found that the National Assembly had acted unlawfully by failing to implement the report:

On a proper construction of its constitutional obligations, the National Assembly was duty-bound to hold the President accountable by facilitating and ensuring compliance with the decision of the Public Protector. The exception would be where the findings and remedial action are challenged and set aside by a court, which was of course not done in this case. Like the President, the National Assembly may, relying for example on the High Court decision in DA v SABC, have been genuinely led to believe that it was entitled to second-guess the remedial action through its resolution absolving the President of liability. But, that still does not affect the unlawfulness of its preferred course of action. Second-guessing the findings and remedial action does not lie in the mere fact of the exculpatory reports of the Minister of Police and the last Ad Hoc Committee. In principle, there may have been nothing wrong with those "parallel" processes. But, there was everything wrong with the National Assembly stepping into the shoes of the Public Protector, by passing a resolution that purported effectively to nullify the findings made and remedial action taken by the Public Protector and replacing them with its own findings and "remedial action". This, the rule of law is dead against.

The Court's order substantially repeated the remedial steps required by the Public Protector. The National Treasury — headed by Pravin Gordhan, who had recently locked horns with Zuma's administration^[32][33] — was ordered, within 60 days, to determine the costs of the non-security upgrades at Nkandla, and the proportion thereof to be repaid by Zuma. The President was ordered to make this repayment within a further 45 days and to "reprimand" the ministers who had overseen the building work.

Impact

Mogoeng's "powerful" and "profound" judgment was hailed as a "triumph for the rule of law", and a major blow to the widely criticised President, of whose conduct the judgment was "scathing".^{[34][35][36][37][38][39][40]} One commentator said Mogoeng's judgment was "his moment of triumph and redemption", and marked his transformation from a supposed "tool" of the establishment to a "national hero" in a manner reminiscent of Earl Warren.^[41] Political analyst Steven Friedman said the judgment was "the clearest message yet that the Constitution is working";^[42] another commentator said the judgment's importance was that "it is a muscular assertion that all rule in this country is subject to the Constitution".^[43] Former President Thabo Mbeki said the judges of the Constitutional Court should be "salute[d]" for "the meticulous manner in which they discharged their constitutional responsibilities as our apex court".^[44] Justice Edwin Cameron, who sat in the case, suggested in a public address that it was one of the Court's two most significant ever judgments.^[45] One commentator noted, however, that President Zuma's counsel had conceded most of the points the Court decided against him.^[46]

The exception was the Court's declaration that Zuma had breached the Constitution, which was a potential basis for Zuma's impeachment. In the immediate wake of the judgment, Julius Malema and Mmusi Maimane, the leaders of the two victorious applicants in the case, called for Zuma to step down.^[47][48][49] However, Zuma sought to downplay the judgment. In a press statement the following evening, he said he welcomed the judgment and had always accepted the Public Protector's reports were binding, and noted that the Court found he had been entitled to institute a parallel investigative process and had acted "honestly" and "in good faith".^[50] Legal commentators condemned these claims as serious misrepresentations of the judgment.^[51][52] They pointed out that it could not possibly have been the case, as Zuma claimed, that he was merely adopting the High Court's approach to the powers of the Public Protector in its DA v SABC judgment, because that was handed down six weeks after Zuma signaled his intention not to comply with her report.^[43] Commentators also condemned the Presidency's statement^[53][54] that the Court had never found Zuma breached his office, since that was the judgment's unmistakable implication.^[55][56]

But the ANC continued to support Zuma. The ANC Women's League had released a statement hours after the judgment saying its faith in Zuma "remains unshaken".^[57][58] Secretary-General Gwede Mantashe, speaking on behalf of the so-called Top Six, said he "welcomed" Zuma's apologetic statement but that calls for his impeachment were "over-exaggerated".^[59][60] Chief whip Jackson Mthembu and Deputy Minister of Justice John Jeffery took the view that, although Zuma had breached the Constitution, the breach was not "serious".^[61][62] The impeachment bid by opposition MPs on 5 April 2016 failed by over 120 votes.^[62] Some were surprised that even Zuma's opponents within the ANC like Cyril Ramaphosa and Pravin Gordhan had voted against the motion.^[63][64] The Congress of the People, an opposition party, said it would boycott parliamentary proceedings in light of the National Assembly's failure to implement the Court's judgment.^[65]

Nevertheless, many analysts said the judgment might prove a fatal blow to Zuma, although factional battles within the ANC would be the ultimate decider.^[42][66][67] One suggested that powerful ANC members had lost faith in Zuma and might move to oust him at a more opportune moment.^[63] The South African Communist Party, part of Zuma's own tripartite alliance, had been skeptical about the adequacy of his response to the judgment.^[68] Some ANC members booed Zuma at his next subsequent appearance.^[69] And several prominent members of civil society and former ANC insiders, including Ahmed Kathrada, Ronnie Kasrils, Trevor Manuel, Cheryl Carolus, and retired Constitutional Court judge Zak Yacoob, called for Zuma's resignation,^{[70][71][72][73]} prompting a backlash from certain Zuma allies.^[74] The South African Council of Churches did the same, saying Zuma had "lost all moral authority".^[75][76] The Gauteng ANC, led by noted Zuma critic Paul Mashatile, formally resolved that Zuma must resign;^[77][78] doubts were raised about Zuma's leadership even within his traditional strongholds like the ANC's Limpopo branches;^[79] and an internal ANC memorandum sent by party veterans to the Top Six allegedly demanded Zuma's recall and compared him to detested apartheid-era President P. W. Botha.^[76] Finally, members of the Gupta family, thought to be Zuma's long-standing allies and crucial financial backers, resigned from their major holding company and fled South Africa for Dubai in the week after the judgment – leaving Zuma, in the opinion of some analysts, extremely vulnerable.^[80][81] In the wake of these developments, Malema said it was now time to "crush the head of the snake".^[82] On 12 April 2016, Max du Preez said the key question, "now that the balance of power has turned irrevocably against Zuma", was how to ensure he makes a managed — and non-violent — exit.^[83]

References

1. Bhardwaj, Vinayak. "A compendium of Nkandla reports & court papers - Africa Check". Africa Check. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
2. Rossouw, Mandy. "Zuma's R65m Nkandla splurge". The M&G Online. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
3. . www.thepresidency.gov.za. Archived from the original on 23 April 2016. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
4. (PDF). Public Protector of South Africa. 19 March 2014. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 April 2015.
5. The Presidency (11 September 2014). (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 April 2016.
6. (PDF). The Presidency. 14 August 2014. Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 April 2016.
7. (PDF). 11 September 2014. Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 April 2016.
8. "EFF Pay Back The Money". www.enca.com. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
9. "WATCH: Malema Asks Again When Will You Pay Back The Money?". www.enca.com. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
10. Stone, Setumo (17 February 2015). . The Dispatch. Archived from the original on 22 March 2016. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
11. Makhanya, Mondli (14 February 2016). "Baleka Mbete, a crime scene cleaner". CityPress. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
12. SAPA (22 March 2015). "Parliament denies accusations of bias". IOL. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
13. Sapa. "Fist fights break out in parliament #SONA2015". Times LIVE. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
14. "Democratic Alliance v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others [2016] ZACC 8". SAFLII. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
15. Sithole, Sthembiso. "In pictures: Zuma laughs as EFF MPs leave Parly". The M&G Online. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
16. Gqirana, Thulani. "Zuma jokes and mocks his way through speech". The M&G Online. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
17. "WATCH: President Zuma jokes about Nkandla in Parliament". News24. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
18. . effighters.org.za. Archived from the original on 15 April 2016. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
19. "EFF's Nkandla battle: Constitutional Court will decide if Zuma should #PayBackTheMoney". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
20. "DA seeks direct access to Constitutional Court in Nkandla matter". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
21. Nhleko, Nkosinathi (28 May 2015). (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 January 2017.
22. "Parliament adopts Nkandla report". News24. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
23. "South African Broadcasting Corporation Soc Ltd and Others v Democratic Alliance and Others [2015] ZASCA 156". SAFLII. 8 October 2015.
24. "Democratic Alliance v South African Broadcasting Corporation Limited and Others (12497/2014) [2014] ZAWCHC 161; 2015 (1) SA 551 (WCC)". SAFLII.
25. Larsen, Annika. "Zuma Proposes Nkandla Solution". www.enca.com. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
26. "President Zuma wants to settle Nkandla case". The New Age. 2 February 2016. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
27. "Zuma in a bind over EFF proposal". Business Day Live. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
28. Cachalia, Raisa. "Constitutional Court hearing: EFF v Speaker; DA v Speaker". African Legal Centre (ALC). Retrieved 10 April 2016.
29. Dlamini, Ernest Mabuza & Penwell. "Jacob Zuma throws Nkandla defenders under the bus". Rand Daily Mail. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
30. "Mbete's bumbling advocate admits Parly was wrong in Nkandla matter". News24. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
31. "WATCH: Full Nkandla ConCourt judgment". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
32. "Gordhan v Moyane on SARS "side show". Real battle is control over Treasury. - BizNews.com". BizNews.com. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
33. "Treasury will be thorough in Zuma's Nkandla payback process Gordhan". News24. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
34. "Constitutional Court judgment: EFF v Speaker; DA v Speaker". African Legal Centre. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
35. "Nkandla ConCourt ruling: President Zuma and National Assembly in breach of Constitution". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
36. "Nkandla ruling : Cons Court slams National Assembly". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
37. Berg, Marzanne Van Den. "Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng's 12 most powerful Nkandla judgement quotes". Times LIVE. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
38. "All South Africans, including Zuma, are equal before law – De Vos". News24. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
39. "Legalbrief Today Home Page". legalbrief.co.za. Retrieved 1 April 2016.
40. Grootes, Stephen (31 March 2016). "Analysis: The Judgment at the end of the Nkandla Road". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
41. Spector, J Brooks. "When Judges make history: Earl Warren and Mogoeng Mogoeng". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 4 April 2016.
42. Friedman, Steven. "Courts have done their bit, now it's up to politics". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
43. Serjeant at the Bar. "Did Zuma break his oath of office?". The M&G Online. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
44. "Mbeki praises ConCourt's Nkandla judgment". News24. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
45. Staff reporter. "Judge Edwin Cameron: There is no constitutional crisis". Rand Daily Mail. The Times. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
46. Rabkin, Franny (12 April 2016). "LAW MATTERS: Nub of apex court's ruling seems lost on many". Business Day Live. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
47. "Maimane: DA already started impeachment process against Zuma". Times LIVE. 31 March 2016. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
48. "Nkandla: DA moves to impeach Zuma following Constitutional Court ruling - Democratic Alliance". Democratic Alliance. 31 March 2016. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
49. "WATCH: We're Going To Remove Zuma And Arrest Him, Says Malema". www.enca.com. 31 March 2016. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
50. "FULL TEXT: Zuma responds to ConCourt ruling". News24. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
51. Cachalia, Raisa. "Nkandla judgment – A short word on impeachment". African Legal Centre (ALC). Retrieved 10 April 2016.
52. de Vos, Pierre. "Truth shall set you free, Mr Zuma". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
53. "Presidency denies ConCourt found Zuma broke oath of office". Sunday Times. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
54. Quintal, Genevieve. "Zuma did not violate oath of office Presidency". News24. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
55. Quintal, Genevieve. "Zuma breached oath of office - De Vos". News24. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
56. de Vos, Pierre. "Nkandla: Lest we forget". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
57. "We stand firmly behind Zuma – ANC Women's League". News24. 31 March 2016. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
58. Munusamy, Ranjeni (1 April 2016). "Nkandla Judgment: The Mastery of the Concourt vs The Invincibility of Jacob Zuma=". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
59. Poplak, Richard. "Trainspotter: Zuma, the ANC, and the art of quantum spinning". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
60. "Gwede Mantashe: ANC welcomes the president's apology". EWN. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
61. "'Zuma's Violation Of The Constitution Was Not Serious' Mthembu". www.enca.com. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
62. "South Africa's Jacob Zuma survives Nkandla impeachment vote". BBC News. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
63. Letsoalo, Matuma. "Why ANC MPs rejected the Zuma impeachment motion". The M&G Online. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
64. "Ramaphosa and Gordhan voted in favour of Zuma, list shows". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
65. Wicks, Jeff (11 April 2016). "Cope to boycott Parliament over ANC response to ConCourt's Nkandla ruling". News24. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
66. Matshiqi, Aubrey. "Internal ANC politics will dictate leader's fate". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
67. Butler, Anthony. "Key actors do not want president to go just yet". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
68. "SACP not satisfied with Zuma's apology". IOL. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
69. "Zuma booed as more party faithful call for action against him". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
70. "Kathrada tells Zuma: Step down". IOL. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
71. "Ahmed Kathrada asks Zuma to resign Read it in full". News24. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
72. "Post ConCourt Nkandla ruling bombshell: Trevor Manuel joins the calls for Zuma's resignation". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
73. "Trainspotter: #ZumaMustFall Take Two, this time for real". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
74. "'Propaganda media' spreading lies about Zuma ex political prisoner group". News24. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
75. "GO, CLERICS URGE ZUMA". Weekend Argus. 9 April 2016. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
76. "Zuma like PW Botha, says ANC veteran". Business Day Live. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
77. Hunter, Qaanitah (12 April 2016). "ANC Gauteng has resolved that Zuma must resign". Rand Daily Mail. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
78. Letsoalo, Matuma. "Gauteng ANC: Zuma must step down". The M&G Online. Retrieved 12 April 2016.
79. "ZUMA'S FAITHFUL HIT BACK". Sunday Tribune. 10 April 2016. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
80. "Gupta brothers linked to Zuma scandal leave SA". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
81. "THICK END OF THE WEDGE: Zuma's only exit plan is unravelling under pressure". Business Day Live. Retrieved 10 April 2016.
82. Munusamy, Ranjeni (11 April 2016). "Gone Guptas: 'We must crush the head of the snake' – EFF". www.dailymaverick.co.za. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
83. du Preez, Max (12 April 2016). "We need to prepare an exit strategy for Zuma". News24. Retrieved 12 April 2016.