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Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus

The Turkish settlers (Cypriot Turkish: Türkiyeliler,[1] "those from Turkey"), also referred to as the Turkish immigrants (Turkish: Türkiyeli göçmenler[2]), are a group of Turkish people from Turkey who have settled in Northern Cyprus since the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974. It is estimated that these settlers and their descendants (not including Turkish soldiers) now make up about half the population of Northern Cyprus.[3] The vast majority of the Turkish settlers were given houses and land that legally belong to Greek Cypriots by the government of Northern Cyprus, who is solely recognised by Turkey.[4] The group is heterogeneous in nature and is composed of various sub-groups, with varying degrees of integration. Mainland Turks are generally considered to be more conservative than the highly secularized Turkish Cypriots,[5][6] and tend to be more in favor of a two-state Cyprus.[7] However, not all settlers support nationalist policies.[8]

Legal issues

The presence of settlers in the island is one of the thorniest, most controversial issues in the ongoing negotiations to reunify Cyprus. Their arrival from 1974 onwards, a process encouraged by both Turkey and the Turkish-Cypriot authorities of the time, is seen by some as a contemporary example of settler colonialism.[9] The position of the internationally-recognised, Greek Cypriot-led[10] Republic of Cyprus and Greece, backed by United Nations resolutions, is that the settlement program is completely illegal under international law, as it violates the Fourth Geneva Convention (which prohibits an occupying power from willfully transferring its own population to the occupied area) and is a war crime.[11] The Republic of Cyprus and Greece thus demand that settlers be made to return to Turkey in a possible future solution to the Cyprus dispute; one of the main reasons that Greek Cypriots overwhelmingly rejected the 2004 Annan Plan was that the Annan plan allowed settlers to remain in Cyprus, and even allowed them to vote in the referendum for the proposed solution.[12] Both the Republic of Cyprus and Greece have therefore demanded that a future Cyprus settlement include the removal of settlers, or at least the greater part of them.[4][11]

Many settlers have severed their ties to Turkey, and their children consider Cyprus to be their homeland. There have been cases where settlers and their children returning to Turkey faced ostracism in their communities of origin. Thus, according to the Encyclopedia of Human Rights, many others argue that the settlers cannot be forcefully expelled from the island; in addition, and most observers think that a comprehensive future Cyprus settlement must "balance the overall legality of the settlement program with the human rights of the settlers".[13]

Sub-groups

Mainland Turks in Northern Cyprus are divided into two main groups: citizens and non-citizen residents.[14] Within the citizens, some have arrived in the island as a part of a settlement policy run by the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot authorities, some have migrated on their own and some have been born in the island to parents of either groups. Mete Hatay argues that only the first group has "good reason to be called settlers".[14]

The aforementioned sub-groups consist of several categories. The first group, citizens, can further be differentiated into skilled laborers and white-collar workers, Turkish soldiers and their close families, farmers who have settled in Cyprus and individual migrants.[15] The non-citizens can be divided into students and academic staff, tourists, workers with permits and illegitimate workers lacking permits.[16] Farmers settled from Turkey between 1975 and 1977 constitute the majority of the settler population.[8]

History

The policy of settling farmers in Cyprus began immediately after the 1974 invasion. Andrew Borowiec wrote of a Turkish announcement that 5000 agricultural workers would be settled to take up possessions left behind by the displaced Greek Cypriots.[17] The agreement was strongly supported by the administration of Rauf Denktaş. For instance, during its ratification process in the Turkish Cypriot Assembly, Raşit Ahmet Raşit, an MP, pleaded that the population transfer should not be rushed as there were cultural differences between Turkey and Cyprus, to which Denktaş had retorted "We need a population of 200,000 as soon as possible!".[18] According to Hatay, the first group of such settlers arrived on the island in February 1975; heavy settlement continued until 1977. These farmers originated from various regions of Turkey, including the Black Sea Region (Trabzon, Çarşamba, Samsun), the Mediterranean Region (Antalya, Adana, Mersin) and the Central Anatolia Region (Konya).[19] In February 1975, the number of "workers" from Turkey in the island was 910.[20]

The policy of settling farmers was conducted along the lines of the Agricultural Workforce Agreement signed by the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC) and Turkey in 1975.[21] The consulates of the TFSC in Turkey were actively involved in organizing the transfer of this population; announcements through the radio and muhtars in villages called upon farmers interested in moving to Cyprus to apply to the consulates.[19] Many farmers who moved to Cyprus were from parts of Turkey with harsh living conditions or had to be displaced. This was the case with the village of Kayalar, where people from the Turkish Black Sea district of Çarşamba were moved. These people were displaced due to the flooding of their village by a dam that was built, and were given a choice between moving to Cyprus and other regions in Turkey; some chose Cyprus. Christos Ioannides argued that these people had no political motivations for this choice; interviews with some have indicated that some did not know the location of Cyprus before moving there.[19]

After the applications of the prospective settlers were approved, they were transported to the port of Mersin in buses specially arranged by the state. They exited Turkey using passports, one of which were issued for every family, and then took the ferry to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Cyprus. Once they arrived in Famagusta, they were initially accommodated briefly in empty hostels or schools, and then transferred to the Greek Cypriot villages, which were their destinations of settlement. The families were assigned houses by lot.[19]

The paperwork of these settlers were initially done in a way that would make them appear to be Turkish Cypriots returning to their homeland, to prevent accusations of violation of the Geneva Convention. Once the settlers arrived, Turkish Cypriot officers gathered them in the village coffeehouse, collected their personal information, and the settlers were assigned the closest Turkish Cypriot-inhabited village to their place of residence as their place of birth in their special identity cards that were subsequently produced. For example, a number of settlers in the Karpass Peninsula had the Turkish Cypriot village of Mehmetçik as their place of birth. When asked about the policy of settlement, İsmet Kotak, the Minister of Labor, Rehabilitation and Social Works of the TFSC, said that what was happening was an intense, rightful and legal return of Turkish Cypriots that had been forcefully driven out of the island. However, these special identity cards did not prove effective in achieving their mission and TFSC identity cards showing the settlers' actual place of birth were issued.[22]

Politics

Despite the prevalent assumption that settlers helped maintain the right-wing National Unity Party's (UBP) decades-long power and consecutive electoral victories, this is incorrect, as between 1976 and 1993, the UBP received more votes in native than in settler villages. These trends were determined by the analysis of votes across several native and settler villages by the political scientist Mete Hatay. There was a political movement that was based on the representation of what they saw as the settlers' interests; this line of politics included the New Dawn Party (YDP) and Turkish Union Party (TBP). The majority of the vote in settler villages were divided between these settler parties and mainstream Turkish Cypriot opposition, including the Communal Liberation Party (TKP) and the Republican Turkish Party (CTP). Between 1992, when it was founded, and the election of 2003, which represented a shift away from it, the Democratic Party (DP) received the majority of settler opposition votes. Meanwhile, between 1990 and 2003, the UBP maintained a vote share averaging at around 40% at settler villages, but this was still less than the support it received in rural areas inhabited by native Turkish Cypriots. The UBP only received more support in settler villages in 1993 and after 2003, when it lost power. Furthermore, despite the prevalent assumption that the settlers advance the political interests of Turkey, settlers have voted against the line backed by Turkey at times, notably in 1990 against the Turkey-backed UBP and Rauf Denktaş and in 2004 against the Annan Plan for Cyprus.[23]

"War of numbers"

The third official census of Northern Cyprus was carried out in 2011, made under the auspices of UN observers. It returned a total population of 294,906.[24] These results were disputed by some political parties, labour unions and local newspapers. The government was accused of deliberately under-counting the population, after apparently giving an estimate of 700,000 before the census, in order to demand financial help from Turkey.[25][26][27] One source claims that the population in the north has reached 500,000,[28] split between 50% Turkish Cypriots and 50% Turkish settlers or Cypriot-born children of such settlers.[29] Researcher Mete Hatay has written that such reports are "wildly speculative" and are picked up by opposition parties for political benefit, which resulted in reports in the south. Such reports have never been scientifically or statistically scrutinised, despite opportunities of opposition parties to do so using the electoral rolls in their possession, thereby continuing a "war of numbers".[30]

Notes

  1. ^ "Türkiyeli-Kıbrıslı tartışması: "Kimliksiz Kıbrıslılar"" (in Turkish). Kıbrıs Postası. Retrieved 26 April 2015.
  2. ^ Uras, Umut. "Kıbrıs sorunu ve Türkiyeli göçmenler" (in Turkish). Al Jazeera. Retrieved 17 May 2015.
  3. ^ "'Best chance Cyprus has had for peace'". 31 March 2016.
  4. ^ a b Adrienne Christiansen, Crossing the Green Line: Anti-Settler Sentiment in Cyprus
  5. ^ Bahcheli, Tozun; Noel, Sid (2013). "Ties that No Longer Bind: Greece, Turkey and the Fading Allure of Ethnic Kinship in Cyprus". In Mabry, Tristan James; McGarry, John; Moore, Margaret; et al. (eds.). Divided Nations and European Integration. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 326. ISBN 9780812244977.
  6. ^ Fong, Mary; Chuang, Rueyling (2004). Communicating Ethnic and Cultural Identity. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 282. ISBN 9780742517394.
  7. ^ Tesser, Lynn (2013). Ethnic Cleansing and the European Union: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Security, Memory and Ethnography. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 117. ISBN 9781137308771.
  8. ^ a b Ronen, Yaël (2011). Transition from Illegal Regimes under International Law. Cambridge University Press. pp. 231–245. ISBN 9781139496179.
  9. ^ Jensehaugen, Helge (2017-07-03). "'Filling the void': Turkish settlement in Northern Cyprus, 1974–1980". Settler Colonial Studies. 7 (3): 354–371. doi:10.1080/2201473X.2016.1196031. ISSN 2201-473X.
  10. ^ Kyris, George (2014). Ker-Lindsay, James (ed.). Resolving Cyprus: New Approaches to Conflict Resolution. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 9781784530006.
  11. ^ a b Frank Hoffmeister, Legal Aspects of the Cyprus Problem: Annan Plan And EU Accession, pp. 56-59, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2006
  12. ^ Letter by the President of the Republic, Mr Tassos Papadopoulos, to the U.N. Secretary-General, Mr Kofi Annan, dated 7 June, which circulated as an official document of the U.N. Security Council
  13. ^ Encyclopedia of Human Rights, Volume 5. Oxford University Press. 2009. p. 460. ISBN 978-0195334029.
  14. ^ a b Hatay 2005, p. 5
  15. ^ Hatay 2005, p. 10
  16. ^ Hatay 2005, p. 6
  17. ^ Borowiec, Andrew (2000). Cyprus: A Troubled Island. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 98–99. ISBN 9780275965334.
  18. ^ Akıncı, Mustafa (2010). Belediye Başkanlığında 14 Yıl: Yerel Yönetimde Demokratikleşme ve Kurumsallaşma Mücadelesi. Nicosia: Ateş Matbaacılık. p. 28. ISBN 978-9963-9772-0-8.
  19. ^ a b c d Hatay 2005, p. 12
  20. ^ "Kıbrıs'ın Türk kesiminde toplam 1.010 işletme var". Milliyet. 9 February 1975. p. 9.
  21. ^ Hacaloğlu, Hilmi; Tekşen, Özgür. "Kıbrıslı Türkler Türkiyelileri sevmez mi?" (in Turkish). Al Jazeera Turkish Journal. Retrieved 28 April 2015.
  22. ^ Şahin, Şahin & Öztürk 2013, p. 610–1
  23. ^ Hatay 2005, pp. viii–ix
  24. ^ "Basin Bildirisi" (PDF). Devplan.org. (PDF) from the original on 27 September 2013. Retrieved 14 February 2014.
  25. ^ "Census in north marred by delays and doubts". CyprusMail. 6 December 2011. from the original on 22 October 2013. Retrieved 6 April 2013. Top selling daily Kibris described the headcount as "controversial", while out-spoken left-wing daily Afrika dubbed it a "fiasco"
  26. ^ . Kibris. 13 December 2011. Archived from the original on 9 January 2012. Retrieved 23 December 2011.
  27. ^ . Kibris. 11 December 2011. Archived from the original on 8 January 2012. Retrieved 23 December 2011.
  28. ^ Cole, Jeffrey (2011). Ethnic Groups of Europe: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 95. ISBN 978-1-59884-302-6.
  29. ^ Cole, Jeffrey (2011). Ethnic Groups of Europe: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-59884-302-6.
  30. ^ Hatay, Mete. "Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?" (PDF). PRIO Cyprus Center. (PDF) from the original on 20 February 2015. Retrieved 20 February 2015.

Bibliography

  • Hatay, Mete (2005), Beyond Numbers: An Inquiry into the Political Integration of the Turkish 'Settlers' in Northern Cyprus (PDF), PRIO Cyprus Center, retrieved 30 August 2015
  • Hatay, Mete (2008), "The Problem of Pigeons: Orientalism, Xenophobia and a Rhetoric of the "Local" in North Cyprus" (PDF), The Cyprus Review, 20 (2): 145–172
  • Jensehaugen, Helge (2014), "The Northern Cypriot Dream – Turkish Immigration 1974–1980" (PDF), The Cyprus Review, 26 (2): 57–83
  • Kurtuluş, Hatice; Purkıs, Semra (2014), Kuzey Kıbrıs'ta Türkiyeli Göçmenler (in Turkish), Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları
  • Loizides, Neophytos (2011), "Contested migration and settler politics in Cyprus" (PDF), Political Geography, 30 (7): 391–401, doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2011.08.004
  • Şahin, İsmail; Şahin, Cemile; Öztürk, Mine (2013), "Barış Harekâtı Sonrasında Türkiye'den Kıbrıs'a Yapılan Göçler ve Tatbik Edilen İskân Politikası" (PDF), Turkish Studies (in Turkish), 8 (7): 599–630, doi:10.7827/TurkishStudies.5225
  • Talat Zrilli, Aysenur (2019), “Ethno-nationalism, state building and migration: the first wave of migration from Turkey to North Cyprus”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 19 (3): 493-510, https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2019.1644047

turkish, settlers, northern, cyprus, turkish, settlers, cypriot, turkish, türkiyeliler, those, from, turkey, also, referred, turkish, immigrants, turkish, türkiyeli, göçmenler, group, turkish, people, from, turkey, have, settled, northern, cyprus, since, turki. The Turkish settlers Cypriot Turkish Turkiyeliler 1 those from Turkey also referred to as the Turkish immigrants Turkish Turkiyeli gocmenler 2 are a group of Turkish people from Turkey who have settled in Northern Cyprus since the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974 It is estimated that these settlers and their descendants not including Turkish soldiers now make up about half the population of Northern Cyprus 3 The vast majority of the Turkish settlers were given houses and land that legally belong to Greek Cypriots by the government of Northern Cyprus who is solely recognised by Turkey 4 The group is heterogeneous in nature and is composed of various sub groups with varying degrees of integration Mainland Turks are generally considered to be more conservative than the highly secularized Turkish Cypriots 5 6 and tend to be more in favor of a two state Cyprus 7 However not all settlers support nationalist policies 8 Contents 1 Legal issues 2 Sub groups 3 History 4 Politics 5 War of numbers 6 Notes 7 BibliographyLegal issues EditThe presence of settlers in the island is one of the thorniest most controversial issues in the ongoing negotiations to reunify Cyprus Their arrival from 1974 onwards a process encouraged by both Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot authorities of the time is seen by some as a contemporary example of settler colonialism 9 The position of the internationally recognised Greek Cypriot led 10 Republic of Cyprus and Greece backed by United Nations resolutions is that the settlement program is completely illegal under international law as it violates the Fourth Geneva Convention which prohibits an occupying power from willfully transferring its own population to the occupied area and is a war crime 11 The Republic of Cyprus and Greece thus demand that settlers be made to return to Turkey in a possible future solution to the Cyprus dispute one of the main reasons that Greek Cypriots overwhelmingly rejected the 2004 Annan Plan was that the Annan plan allowed settlers to remain in Cyprus and even allowed them to vote in the referendum for the proposed solution 12 Both the Republic of Cyprus and Greece have therefore demanded that a future Cyprus settlement include the removal of settlers or at least the greater part of them 4 11 Many settlers have severed their ties to Turkey and their children consider Cyprus to be their homeland There have been cases where settlers and their children returning to Turkey faced ostracism in their communities of origin Thus according to the Encyclopedia of Human Rights many others argue that the settlers cannot be forcefully expelled from the island in addition and most observers think that a comprehensive future Cyprus settlement must balance the overall legality of the settlement program with the human rights of the settlers 13 Sub groups EditMainland Turks in Northern Cyprus are divided into two main groups citizens and non citizen residents 14 Within the citizens some have arrived in the island as a part of a settlement policy run by the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot authorities some have migrated on their own and some have been born in the island to parents of either groups Mete Hatay argues that only the first group has good reason to be called settlers 14 The aforementioned sub groups consist of several categories The first group citizens can further be differentiated into skilled laborers and white collar workers Turkish soldiers and their close families farmers who have settled in Cyprus and individual migrants 15 The non citizens can be divided into students and academic staff tourists workers with permits and illegitimate workers lacking permits 16 Farmers settled from Turkey between 1975 and 1977 constitute the majority of the settler population 8 History EditThe policy of settling farmers in Cyprus began immediately after the 1974 invasion Andrew Borowiec wrote of a Turkish announcement that 5000 agricultural workers would be settled to take up possessions left behind by the displaced Greek Cypriots 17 The agreement was strongly supported by the administration of Rauf Denktas For instance during its ratification process in the Turkish Cypriot Assembly Rasit Ahmet Rasit an MP pleaded that the population transfer should not be rushed as there were cultural differences between Turkey and Cyprus to which Denktas had retorted We need a population of 200 000 as soon as possible 18 According to Hatay the first group of such settlers arrived on the island in February 1975 heavy settlement continued until 1977 These farmers originated from various regions of Turkey including the Black Sea Region Trabzon Carsamba Samsun the Mediterranean Region Antalya Adana Mersin and the Central Anatolia Region Konya 19 In February 1975 the number of workers from Turkey in the island was 910 20 The policy of settling farmers was conducted along the lines of the Agricultural Workforce Agreement signed by the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus TFSC and Turkey in 1975 21 The consulates of the TFSC in Turkey were actively involved in organizing the transfer of this population announcements through the radio and muhtars in villages called upon farmers interested in moving to Cyprus to apply to the consulates 19 Many farmers who moved to Cyprus were from parts of Turkey with harsh living conditions or had to be displaced This was the case with the village of Kayalar where people from the Turkish Black Sea district of Carsamba were moved These people were displaced due to the flooding of their village by a dam that was built and were given a choice between moving to Cyprus and other regions in Turkey some chose Cyprus Christos Ioannides argued that these people had no political motivations for this choice interviews with some have indicated that some did not know the location of Cyprus before moving there 19 After the applications of the prospective settlers were approved they were transported to the port of Mersin in buses specially arranged by the state They exited Turkey using passports one of which were issued for every family and then took the ferry to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Cyprus Once they arrived in Famagusta they were initially accommodated briefly in empty hostels or schools and then transferred to the Greek Cypriot villages which were their destinations of settlement The families were assigned houses by lot 19 The paperwork of these settlers were initially done in a way that would make them appear to be Turkish Cypriots returning to their homeland to prevent accusations of violation of the Geneva Convention Once the settlers arrived Turkish Cypriot officers gathered them in the village coffeehouse collected their personal information and the settlers were assigned the closest Turkish Cypriot inhabited village to their place of residence as their place of birth in their special identity cards that were subsequently produced For example a number of settlers in the Karpass Peninsula had the Turkish Cypriot village of Mehmetcik as their place of birth When asked about the policy of settlement Ismet Kotak the Minister of Labor Rehabilitation and Social Works of the TFSC said that what was happening was an intense rightful and legal return of Turkish Cypriots that had been forcefully driven out of the island However these special identity cards did not prove effective in achieving their mission and TFSC identity cards showing the settlers actual place of birth were issued 22 Politics EditDespite the prevalent assumption that settlers helped maintain the right wing National Unity Party s UBP decades long power and consecutive electoral victories this is incorrect as between 1976 and 1993 the UBP received more votes in native than in settler villages These trends were determined by the analysis of votes across several native and settler villages by the political scientist Mete Hatay There was a political movement that was based on the representation of what they saw as the settlers interests this line of politics included the New Dawn Party YDP and Turkish Union Party TBP The majority of the vote in settler villages were divided between these settler parties and mainstream Turkish Cypriot opposition including the Communal Liberation Party TKP and the Republican Turkish Party CTP Between 1992 when it was founded and the election of 2003 which represented a shift away from it the Democratic Party DP received the majority of settler opposition votes Meanwhile between 1990 and 2003 the UBP maintained a vote share averaging at around 40 at settler villages but this was still less than the support it received in rural areas inhabited by native Turkish Cypriots The UBP only received more support in settler villages in 1993 and after 2003 when it lost power Furthermore despite the prevalent assumption that the settlers advance the political interests of Turkey settlers have voted against the line backed by Turkey at times notably in 1990 against the Turkey backed UBP and Rauf Denktas and in 2004 against the Annan Plan for Cyprus 23 War of numbers EditThe third official census of Northern Cyprus was carried out in 2011 made under the auspices of UN observers It returned a total population of 294 906 24 These results were disputed by some political parties labour unions and local newspapers The government was accused of deliberately under counting the population after apparently giving an estimate of 700 000 before the census in order to demand financial help from Turkey 25 26 27 One source claims that the population in the north has reached 500 000 28 split between 50 Turkish Cypriots and 50 Turkish settlers or Cypriot born children of such settlers 29 Researcher Mete Hatay has written that such reports are wildly speculative and are picked up by opposition parties for political benefit which resulted in reports in the south Such reports have never been scientifically or statistically scrutinised despite opportunities of opposition parties to do so using the electoral rolls in their possession thereby continuing a war of numbers 30 Notes Edit Turkiyeli Kibrisli tartismasi Kimliksiz Kibrislilar in Turkish Kibris Postasi Retrieved 26 April 2015 Uras Umut Kibris sorunu ve Turkiyeli gocmenler in Turkish Al Jazeera Retrieved 17 May 2015 Best chance Cyprus has had for peace 31 March 2016 a b Adrienne Christiansen Crossing the Green Line Anti Settler Sentiment in Cyprus Bahcheli Tozun Noel Sid 2013 Ties that No Longer Bind Greece Turkey and the Fading Allure of Ethnic Kinship in Cyprus In Mabry Tristan James McGarry John Moore Margaret et al eds Divided Nations and European Integration University of Pennsylvania Press p 326 ISBN 9780812244977 Fong Mary Chuang Rueyling 2004 Communicating Ethnic and Cultural Identity Rowman amp Littlefield p 282 ISBN 9780742517394 Tesser Lynn 2013 Ethnic Cleansing and the European Union An Interdisciplinary Approach to Security Memory and Ethnography Palgrave Macmillan p 117 ISBN 9781137308771 a b Ronen Yael 2011 Transition from Illegal Regimes under International Law Cambridge University Press pp 231 245 ISBN 9781139496179 Jensehaugen Helge 2017 07 03 Filling the void Turkish settlement in Northern Cyprus 1974 1980 Settler Colonial Studies 7 3 354 371 doi 10 1080 2201473X 2016 1196031 ISSN 2201 473X Kyris George 2014 Ker Lindsay James ed Resolving Cyprus New Approaches to Conflict Resolution I B Tauris ISBN 9781784530006 a b Frank Hoffmeister Legal Aspects of the Cyprus Problem Annan Plan And EU Accession pp 56 59 Martinus Nijhoff Publishers 2006 Letter by the President of the Republic Mr Tassos Papadopoulos to the U N Secretary General Mr Kofi Annan dated 7 June which circulated as an official document of the U N Security Council Encyclopedia of Human Rights Volume 5 Oxford University Press 2009 p 460 ISBN 978 0195334029 a b Hatay 2005 p 5 Hatay 2005 p 10 Hatay 2005 p 6 Borowiec Andrew 2000 Cyprus A Troubled Island Greenwood Publishing Group pp 98 99 ISBN 9780275965334 Akinci Mustafa 2010 Belediye Baskanliginda 14 Yil Yerel Yonetimde Demokratiklesme ve Kurumsallasma Mucadelesi Nicosia Ates Matbaacilik p 28 ISBN 978 9963 9772 0 8 a b c d Hatay 2005 p 12 Kibris in Turk kesiminde toplam 1 010 isletme var Milliyet 9 February 1975 p 9 Hacaloglu Hilmi Teksen Ozgur Kibrisli Turkler Turkiyelileri sevmez mi in Turkish Al Jazeera Turkish Journal Retrieved 28 April 2015 Sahin Sahin amp Ozturk 2013 p 610 1 Hatay 2005 pp viii ix Basin Bildirisi PDF Devplan org Archived PDF from the original on 27 September 2013 Retrieved 14 February 2014 Census in north marred by delays and doubts CyprusMail 6 December 2011 Archived from the original on 22 October 2013 Retrieved 6 April 2013 Top selling daily Kibris described the headcount as controversial while out spoken left wing daily Afrika dubbed it a fiasco TC den para isterken 700 bin diyorlardi Kibris 13 December 2011 Archived from the original on 9 January 2012 Retrieved 23 December 2011 Nifus sayimi gercekci degil Kibris 11 December 2011 Archived from the original on 8 January 2012 Retrieved 23 December 2011 Cole Jeffrey 2011 Ethnic Groups of Europe An Encyclopedia ABC CLIO p 95 ISBN 978 1 59884 302 6 Cole Jeffrey 2011 Ethnic Groups of Europe An Encyclopedia ABC CLIO p 97 ISBN 978 1 59884 302 6 Hatay Mete Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking PDF PRIO Cyprus Center Archived PDF from the original on 20 February 2015 Retrieved 20 February 2015 Bibliography EditHatay Mete 2005 Beyond Numbers An Inquiry into the Political Integration of the Turkish Settlers in Northern Cyprus PDF PRIO Cyprus Center retrieved 30 August 2015 Hatay Mete 2008 The Problem of Pigeons Orientalism Xenophobia and a Rhetoric of the Local in North Cyprus PDF The Cyprus Review 20 2 145 172 Jensehaugen Helge 2014 The Northern Cypriot Dream Turkish Immigration 1974 1980 PDF The Cyprus Review 26 2 57 83 Kurtulus Hatice Purkis Semra 2014 Kuzey Kibris ta Turkiyeli Gocmenler in Turkish Istanbul Turkiye Is Bankasi Kultur Yayinlari Loizides Neophytos 2011 Contested migration and settler politics in Cyprus PDF Political Geography 30 7 391 401 doi 10 1016 j polgeo 2011 08 004 Sahin Ismail Sahin Cemile Ozturk Mine 2013 Baris Harekati Sonrasinda Turkiye den Kibris a Yapilan Gocler ve Tatbik Edilen Iskan Politikasi PDF Turkish Studies in Turkish 8 7 599 630 doi 10 7827 TurkishStudies 5225 Talat Zrilli Aysenur 2019 Ethno nationalism state building and migration the first wave of migration from Turkey to North Cyprus Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 19 3 493 510 https doi org 10 1080 14683857 2019 1644047 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus amp oldid 1132975353, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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