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Namburbi

The NAM-BÚR-BI are magical texts[1] which take the form of incantations (Akkadian: namburbȗ). They were named for a series of prophylactic Babylonian and Assyrian rituals to avert inauspicious portents before they took on tangible form. At the core of these rituals was an appeal by the subject of the sinister omen to the divine judicial court to obtain a change to his impending fate. From the corpus of Babylonian-Assyrian religious texts that has survived, there are approximately one hundred and forty texts, many preserved in several copies, to which this label may be applied.

The apotropaic ritual edit

The Sumerian rubric, NAM-BÚR-BI, which devolved from the broader class of counter-rituals, literally means “(ritual for) undoing of it (i.e of the portended evil)” or “apotropaeon,"[2] where the Sumerian possessive suffix BI was originally a reference to a preceding omen apodosis. The impending catastrophe identified in the apodosis was to be averted by the implementation of an apotropaic ritual. In addition to dissolution NAM-BÚR-BI, it is also a generic name for rituals, NAM-BÚR written phonetically as nappulu in late Babylonian sources.[3] In a few ritual descriptions of the 1st millennium BC, the caption NAM-BÚR-BI is found with its general, rather than the more specific "apotropaic ritual" context.

Sources edit

The collection of NAM-BÚR-BI rituals is one of the largest genera of the ritual cuneiform tradition. Zimri-Lim of Mari’s officials sent rare ants and a sheep abortion to their king as evidence of omens and Maul suggests that these could be interpreted as indicating that these were needed for a NAM-BÚR-BI ritual. The oldest extant descriptions of the actual rituals, although without the appended moniker NAM-BÚR-BI, come from the royal archives of the Hittite capital Ḫattuša. It is probable that similar but as yet unrecovered texts were in use during the old Babylonian period in Mesopotamia proper. All other tablets with NAM-BÚR-BI rituals are of neo-Assyrian origin, from Nineveh, Aššur, Huzirina and Kalhu, or neo- and late-Babylonian, such as those excavated at Uruk.

In addition to its original form as a supplement to inscribed omen collections such as Šumma ālu, NAM-BÚR-BI rituals are part of a compendium in their own right, and appear in their own collections of tablets. Ashurbanipal assembled for his personal use the NAM.BÚR.BI.MES series, which consisted of more than 135 tablets, but much of it is lost. Catalogues of apotropaic rituals are known from Nineveh and from Uruk.[4]

Subject matter edit

The greatest numbers of apotropaic ritual were to counteract terrestrial signs observed in nature, in the immediate vicinity and workspace of the subject, in and near the house of a man, and in the field of agriculture and animal husbandry. This has led to the supposition that their origin may have been in rites of the rural population. Several rituals are known to divert the omens from birds and snakes displaying mischief. Others counter the portents from observations of domestic animals, wildlife and desert animals, rodents, reptiles, scorpions and insects, including a general namburbi for the omen series Šumma izbu. A small part of the corpus of rituals, served to counter the misfortune presaged by weather phenomena.[4]

There are strikingly few namburbi rituals to counter astrological omens, as a neo-Assyrian letter records: “A solar eclipse of two fingers magnitude took place during the sunrise. There is no apotropaic ritual against it.”[5] Some apotropaic rituals (“universal namburbis”) could be directed against any form of augury, ḪUL DÙ.A.BI, “every evil.”[6]

The various aims of the ritual included the placating of divine anger, the persuasion of gods to change the omenistic verdict, the removal of all impurity, a return to normalcy, and the rendering of permanent protection.[7]

The ritual edit

Colophons of namburbi tablets and letters from writers and astrologers of the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal show that it was the role of the ašipu, “exorcist,” to plan and implement the apotropaic rituals. If a sign had been recognized as foreboding, the gods Ea and his son Asalluḫi, Šamaš, the sun god and god of justice (mīšaru), and often the deity, in whose sphere of influence the prognostication had occurred - were invoked, and offered a meal of bread, meat, dates, incense, water and beer to appease the source of the portent and effect a change in outcome. Clay figurines were fashioned and a Šuilla, or “show of hands prayer,” was delivered to implore divine mercy.[4]

During the preliminary purification stage, the subject and conjuror conducting the ritual abstained from eating watercress, onions, leeks or fish. Water was consecrated under the stars and with all manner of cleansing substances. Small altars were erected by the riverside in a “place difficult of access.” The person infected with the evil (lumnu) was led to a spot strewn with garden herbs (šammū kirî) behind one of the altars and a clay figurine representing the harbinger of the omen was laid before them. The conjuror then performed the incantation, often climaxing by shattering a clay pot, and the subject was washed with the consecrated water, which was afterward poured over the figurine, to return the impurity to its source. A variety of symbolic actions could follow, including cutting the subjects hair, fingernails, stripping off his coat, peeling an onion or unwinding a thread to represent the dissolution of the fate. The figurine was then cast into the river, "down to the apsû." Measures were taken to avoid reinfection, with the subject perhaps wearing an amulet and returning home via a different route from that taken prior to the ritual.

The profound psychological effect of the release ritual cannot be underestimated. For the private individual it would have had a deep impression, akin to absolution, but to a monarch it may have altered his behavior. By ridding the impending evil inherent in a bad omen, a namburbi “bolstered the king’s self-confidence, strengthened his resolution, and steeled his will to fight.” An entire staff of conjurors organized like a ministry, poured over omen collections and prepared rituals to counter any portent that was diagnosed.[7] A namburbi was a central part of the substitute king ritual.

References edit

  1. ^ J.M. Geller, - Akkadian Healing Therapies in the Babylonian Talmud. Preprint 259. Berlin: Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte 2004. & S.M. Maul - Zukunftsbewältigung. Eine Untersuchung altorientalischen Denkens anhand der babylonisch-assyrischen Löserituale (Namburbi). Mainz am Rhein: Von Zabern 1994. - both shown as sources within this site published by the Melammu project [Retrieved 2015-12-13]
  2. ^ Richard I. Caplice (1974). The Akkadian Namburbi texts: an introduction. Undena Publications. p. 6.
  3. ^ Irving L. Finkel (2000). "On Late Babylonian Medical Training". In A. R. George, Irving L. Finkel (ed.). Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Assyriology in Honour of W.G. Lambert. Eisenbrauns. p. 206.
  4. ^ a b c Stefan M. Maul (1998). "Namburbi (Löseritual)". In D. O. Edzard (ed.). Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie, volume 9: Nab –Nanse. Walter De Gruyter. pp. 92–94.
  5. ^ Simo Parpola (2007). Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part I: Texts. Eisenbrauns. p. 71.
  6. ^ namburbû, CAD N 1, p. 225.
  7. ^ a b Stefan M. Maul (1999). "How the Babylonians Protected Themselves against Calamities Announced by Omens". In T. Abusch, K. van der Toorn (ed.). Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical and Interpretative Perspectives, Ancient Magic and Divination I. Groningen. pp. 123–129.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)

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The NAM BUR BI are magical texts 1 which take the form of incantations Akkadian namburbȗ They were named for a series of prophylactic Babylonian and Assyrian rituals to avert inauspicious portents before they took on tangible form At the core of these rituals was an appeal by the subject of the sinister omen to the divine judicial court to obtain a change to his impending fate From the corpus of Babylonian Assyrian religious texts that has survived there are approximately one hundred and forty texts many preserved in several copies to which this label may be applied Contents 1 The apotropaic ritual 1 1 Sources 1 2 Subject matter 1 3 The ritual 2 ReferencesThe apotropaic ritual editThe Sumerian rubric NAM BUR BI which devolved from the broader class of counter rituals literally means ritual for undoing of it i e of the portended evil or apotropaeon 2 where the Sumerian possessive suffix BI was originally a reference to a preceding omen apodosis The impending catastrophe identified in the apodosis was to be averted by the implementation of an apotropaic ritual In addition to dissolution NAM BUR BI it is also a generic name for rituals NAM BUR written phonetically as nappulu in late Babylonian sources 3 In a few ritual descriptions of the 1st millennium BC the caption NAM BUR BI is found with its general rather than the more specific apotropaic ritual context Sources edit The collection of NAM BUR BI rituals is one of the largest genera of the ritual cuneiform tradition Zimri Lim of Mari s officials sent rare ants and a sheep abortion to their king as evidence of omens and Maul suggests that these could be interpreted as indicating that these were needed for a NAM BUR BI ritual The oldest extant descriptions of the actual rituals although without the appended moniker NAM BUR BI come from the royal archives of the Hittite capital Ḫattusa It is probable that similar but as yet unrecovered texts were in use during the old Babylonian period in Mesopotamia proper All other tablets with NAM BUR BI rituals are of neo Assyrian origin from Nineveh Assur Huzirina and Kalhu or neo and late Babylonian such as those excavated at Uruk In addition to its original form as a supplement to inscribed omen collections such as Summa alu NAM BUR BI rituals are part of a compendium in their own right and appear in their own collections of tablets Ashurbanipal assembled for his personal use the NAM BUR BI MES series which consisted of more than 135 tablets but much of it is lost Catalogues of apotropaic rituals are known from Nineveh and from Uruk 4 Subject matter edit The greatest numbers of apotropaic ritual were to counteract terrestrial signs observed in nature in the immediate vicinity and workspace of the subject in and near the house of a man and in the field of agriculture and animal husbandry This has led to the supposition that their origin may have been in rites of the rural population Several rituals are known to divert the omens from birds and snakes displaying mischief Others counter the portents from observations of domestic animals wildlife and desert animals rodents reptiles scorpions and insects including a general namburbi for the omen series Summa izbu A small part of the corpus of rituals served to counter the misfortune presaged by weather phenomena 4 There are strikingly few namburbi rituals to counter astrological omens as a neo Assyrian letter records A solar eclipse of two fingers magnitude took place during the sunrise There is no apotropaic ritual against it 5 Some apotropaic rituals universal namburbis could be directed against any form of augury ḪUL DU A BI every evil 6 The various aims of the ritual included the placating of divine anger the persuasion of gods to change the omenistic verdict the removal of all impurity a return to normalcy and the rendering of permanent protection 7 The ritual edit Colophons of namburbi tablets and letters from writers and astrologers of the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal show that it was the role of the asipu exorcist to plan and implement the apotropaic rituals If a sign had been recognized as foreboding the gods Ea and his son Asalluḫi Samas the sun god and god of justice misaru and often the deity in whose sphere of influence the prognostication had occurred were invoked and offered a meal of bread meat dates incense water and beer to appease the source of the portent and effect a change in outcome Clay figurines were fashioned and a Suilla or show of hands prayer was delivered to implore divine mercy 4 During the preliminary purification stage the subject and conjuror conducting the ritual abstained from eating watercress onions leeks or fish Water was consecrated under the stars and with all manner of cleansing substances Small altars were erected by the riverside in a place difficult of access The person infected with the evil lumnu was led to a spot strewn with garden herbs sammu kiri behind one of the altars and a clay figurine representing the harbinger of the omen was laid before them The conjuror then performed the incantation often climaxing by shattering a clay pot and the subject was washed with the consecrated water which was afterward poured over the figurine to return the impurity to its source A variety of symbolic actions could follow including cutting the subjects hair fingernails stripping off his coat peeling an onion or unwinding a thread to represent the dissolution of the fate The figurine was then cast into the river down to the apsu Measures were taken to avoid reinfection with the subject perhaps wearing an amulet and returning home via a different route from that taken prior to the ritual The profound psychological effect of the release ritual cannot be underestimated For the private individual it would have had a deep impression akin to absolution but to a monarch it may have altered his behavior By ridding the impending evil inherent in a bad omen a namburbi bolstered the king s self confidence strengthened his resolution and steeled his will to fight An entire staff of conjurors organized like a ministry poured over omen collections and prepared rituals to counter any portent that was diagnosed 7 A namburbi was a central part of the substitute king ritual References edit J M Geller Akkadian Healing Therapies in the Babylonian Talmud Preprint 259 Berlin Max Planck Institut fur Wissenschaftsgeschichte 2004 amp S M Maul Zukunftsbewaltigung Eine Untersuchung altorientalischen Denkens anhand der babylonisch assyrischen Loserituale Namburbi Mainz am Rhein Von Zabern 1994 both shown as sources within this site published by the Melammu project Retrieved 2015 12 13 Richard I Caplice 1974 The Akkadian Namburbi texts an introduction Undena Publications p 6 Irving L Finkel 2000 On Late Babylonian Medical Training In A R George Irving L Finkel ed Wisdom Gods and Literature Studies in Assyriology in Honour of W G Lambert Eisenbrauns p 206 a b c Stefan M Maul 1998 Namburbi Loseritual In D O Edzard ed Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archaologie volume 9 Nab Nanse Walter De Gruyter pp 92 94 Simo Parpola 2007 Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal Part I Texts Eisenbrauns p 71 namburbu CAD N 1 p 225 a b Stefan M Maul 1999 How the Babylonians Protected Themselves against Calamities Announced by Omens In T Abusch K van der Toorn ed Mesopotamian Magic Textual Historical and Interpretative Perspectives Ancient Magic and Divination I Groningen pp 123 129 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a CS1 maint location missing publisher link Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Namburbi amp oldid 1031015792, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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