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The Soldier and the State

May 02, 2024

The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations is a 1957 book written by political scientist Samuel P. Huntington. In the book, Huntington advances the theory of objective civilian control, according to which the optimal means of asserting control over the armed forces is to professionalize them. This is in contrast to subjective control, which involves placing legal and institutional restrictions on the military's autonomy. Edward M. Coffman has written that "[a]nyone seriously interested in American military history has to come to terms with Samuel P. Huntington's The Soldier and the State."[1]

The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations
First edition
AuthorSamuel P. Huntington
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
SubjectCivil-Military Relations
PublisherBelknap Press
Publication date
1957
Pages534
ISBN0-674-81736-2
OCLC45093643

Outline edit

Part I: "Military Institutions and the State: Theoretical and Historical Perspectives" edit

In the first chapter titled "Officership as a Profession", Huntington immediately states his thesis of the book. The purpose is to describe how the "modern officer corps is a professional body and the modern officer a professional man."[2] Additionally, "Officership as a Profession", Huntington defines qualities of a profession and argues that the officer corps conforms to this definition. The qualities of a profession are (1) Expertise, (2) Responsibility, and (3) Corporateness.[3] Specifically, the officer corps display specialized knowledge in the management of violence, maintains a monopoly on education and advancement in their field, and have an overarching responsibility to the society they serve and thus do not 'compete' in the open market. The military profession requires comprehensive study and training, and thus expertise, of an intellectual set of skills: organizing of forces, planning of activities, and executing and directing activities.[4] The military expertise, the management of violence, includes the science of war and combat as well as organizational and administrative skills. The specializations of the military profession expands far and wide since there are engineers, pilots, mechanics, ordinance experts, and more.

Huntington argues this 'professional ethic' differentiates 'officers' from amateur groups engaged in violence (reservists, mercenaries, technical specialists, etc.).[5] Huntington stresses that 'professionalism' entails a mutually binding relationship between society and its 'professionals.' The military profession requires that military officers fulfill its duties to its country by compliance with political officials running the state and government. It is the responsibility of the military to provide the public good of common defense since it acts as an agent to the principal government and citizenry. However, each step up in the hierarchy within the military profession demands more responsibility and skill because they are authorized to make more strategic decisions. In the case of the officer corps, officers are entrusted with evaluating the security of the state and providing expert advice to its leaders, and society in turn must afford a measure of deference to their professional expertise and institutions. (Huntington highlights the fact that the President cannot usurp the military hierarchy and appoint a lieutenant to serve on the Joint Chiefs of Staff).[6] Additionally Huntington argues the officership displays a decidedly 'corporate character' as the officers tend to: live apart from general society, delineate hierarchy by specific uniforms and insignia, and maintain a strict separation (within the Department of Defense) from lay people who merely 'administer violence' (reservists).[7] Corporateness refers to the distinct and unique features specific to a profession that which separate it from other professions. Entrance to the profession is restricted with high standards and fulfillment, military academia, and ranks.

Chapter two outlines the "rise of the military profession in Western society." He describes that the officer corps consisted of mercenaries from the breakdown of feudalism until their replacement by aristocratic officers after the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648) and why neither the mercenaries nor aristocrats were professionals under his definition. Finally in the 19th century the idea of the aristocratic military genius was replaced by the Prussian reliance upon "average men succeeding by superior education, organization and experience." [8]

Chapter three discusses the military mind and military professional ethic. He notes misconceptions regarding the military mind and seeks "to elaborate the professional military ethic with respect to (1) basic values and perspectives, (2) national military policy, (3) the relation of the military to the state."[9] He summarizes the ethic as "conservative realism....It exalts obedience as the highest virtue of military men. The military ethic is thus pessimistic, collectivist, historically inclined, power-oriented, nationalistic, militaristic, pacifist, and instrumentalist in its view of the military profession."[10]

Chapter four is a discussion of civil-military relations in theory. He defines subjective civilian control (where military professionalism is reduced due to co-opting of the military by civilian political groups) and objective civilian control - where military professional thrives as it is far removed from politics. He describes the effect of four ideologies (liberalism, fascism, Marxism, conservatism) on military professionalism and civilian control.

Chapter five analyzes the military professional in the German and Japanese societies where it became dominant as militarism. He states that, "no country has had a wider variety of experiences in civil-military relations than modern Germany", with its officer corps achieving unmatched "high standards of professionalism" and then being "completely prostituted" under Nazism.[11] He details the varying situations of the imperial, World War I, republican, and Nazi periods. In contrast, "Japanese civil-military relations remained in a single relatively stable pattern from 1868 to 1945" where the "military played a persistently active role in the politics of their country."[11] He argues that "in both countries the disruption of the civil-military balance reflected more basic constitutional disorders" and "that disruption helped undermine the nation's security: distorting the perspective and judgment of soldiers and statesmen."[12]

Part II: "Military Power in America: The Historical Experience: 1789–1940" edit

Chapter six describes the military in the traditional liberal American political context in four sections: liberalism and the Constitution as historical constants of American civil-military relations, the prevalence of liberalism in the U.S., the liberal approach to military affairs, and the military hero in liberal politics. He details how "the American liberal approach to military affairs was hostile, static and dominant; the conservative approach of the Federalists and the South sympathetic, constructive and thwarted."[13] The elements of American liberalism which influenced international relations "were (1) its indifference to international affairs, (2) its application of domestic solutions to international affairs, and (3) its search for objectivity in international affairs."[14] He also states that "the United States, by virtue of its noninvolvement in the balance of power was able to pursue foreign policy objectives defined in terms of universal ideals rather than in terms of national interests."[15] He discusses the "hostile image of the military profession" and "liberal military policy". He argues that the non-professional military hero was traditionally welcomed in liberal America while the professional military hero was generally not successful politically.

Chapter seven explains the structure of civil-military relations provided by the conservative U.S. constitution and civil control of the military.

Chapter eight outlines the American military tradition up to the Civil War.

Chapter nine is "The Creation of the American Military Profession". It outlines the contributions of key individuals and institutions and describes the origins of the American military mind.

Chapter ten covers the period 1890 to 1920, including "Neo-Hamiltonism", Alfred Mahan and Leonard Wood.

Chapter eleven covers interwar civil-military relations and the military ethic of the period.

Part III: "The Crisis of American Civil-Military Relations 1940–1955" edit

Chapter twelve covers World War II.

Chapter thirteen outlines civil-military relations in the first decade after World War II.

Chapter fourteen is "The Political Roles of the Joint Chiefs."

Chapter fifteen describes the impact of the separation of powers on civil-military relations during the Cold War.

Chapter sixteen analyzes the Cold War structure of the Defense Department in the context of civil-military relations.

Chapter seventeen discusses the challenges faced by the heightened ongoing defense needs of the Cold War versus the tradition of American liberalism and the move "Towards a New Equilibrium" between the two.

References edit

  1. ^ Edward M. Coffman (January 1991). "The Long Shadow of The Soldier and the State". The Journal of Military History. 55 (1): 69–82. doi:10.2307/1986129. JSTOR 1986129.(subscription required)
  2. ^ Huntington, S. (1981). The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations. New York, NY: Belknap Press. Page 7.
  3. ^ Huntington, S. (1981). The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations. New York, NY: Belknap Press. Page 8-10.
  4. ^ Huntington, S. (1981). The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations. New York, NY: Belknap Press. Page 11.
  5. ^ Huntington, Samuel. The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations. New York: Belknap Press, 1957. pg 11
  6. ^ Huntington, Samuel. The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations. New York: Belknap Press, 1957. pg 14-15
  7. ^ Huntington, Samuel. The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations. New York: Belknap Press, 1957. pg 16
  8. ^ pg. 51
  9. ^ pg. 62
  10. ^ pg. 79
  11. ^ a b pg. 98
  12. ^ pg. 99
  13. ^ pg. 147
  14. ^ pg. 149
  15. ^ 151

May 02, 2024
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This article relies excessively on references to primary sources Please improve this article by adding secondary or tertiary sources Find sources The Soldier and the State news newspapers books scholar JSTOR February 2014 Learn how and when to remove this message The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military Relations is a 1957 book written by political scientist Samuel P Huntington In the book Huntington advances the theory of objective civilian control according to which the optimal means of asserting control over the armed forces is to professionalize them This is in contrast to subjective control which involves placing legal and institutional restrictions on the military s autonomy Edward M Coffman has written that a nyone seriously interested in American military history has to come to terms with Samuel P Huntington s The Soldier and the State 1 The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military RelationsFirst editionAuthorSamuel P HuntingtonCountryUnited StatesLanguageEnglishSubjectCivil Military RelationsPublisherBelknap PressPublication date1957Pages534ISBN0 674 81736 2OCLC45093643 Contents 1 Outline 1 1 Part I Military Institutions and the State Theoretical and Historical Perspectives 1 2 Part II Military Power in America The Historical Experience 1789 1940 1 3 Part III The Crisis of American Civil Military Relations 1940 1955 2 ReferencesOutline editThis article possibly contains original research Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding inline citations Statements consisting only of original research should be removed May 2009 Learn how and when to remove this message Part I Military Institutions and the State Theoretical and Historical Perspectives edit In the first chapter titled Officership as a Profession Huntington immediately states his thesis of the book The purpose is to describe how the modern officer corps is a professional body and the modern officer a professional man 2 Additionally Officership as a Profession Huntington defines qualities of a profession and argues that the officer corps conforms to this definition The qualities of a profession are 1 Expertise 2 Responsibility and 3 Corporateness 3 Specifically the officer corps display specialized knowledge in the management of violence maintains a monopoly on education and advancement in their field and have an overarching responsibility to the society they serve and thus do not compete in the open market The military profession requires comprehensive study and training and thus expertise of an intellectual set of skills organizing of forces planning of activities and executing and directing activities 4 The military expertise the management of violence includes the science of war and combat as well as organizational and administrative skills The specializations of the military profession expands far and wide since there are engineers pilots mechanics ordinance experts and more Huntington argues this professional ethic differentiates officers from amateur groups engaged in violence reservists mercenaries technical specialists etc 5 Huntington stresses that professionalism entails a mutually binding relationship between society and its professionals The military profession requires that military officers fulfill its duties to its country by compliance with political officials running the state and government It is the responsibility of the military to provide the public good of common defense since it acts as an agent to the principal government and citizenry However each step up in the hierarchy within the military profession demands more responsibility and skill because they are authorized to make more strategic decisions In the case of the officer corps officers are entrusted with evaluating the security of the state and providing expert advice to its leaders and society in turn must afford a measure of deference to their professional expertise and institutions Huntington highlights the fact that the President cannot usurp the military hierarchy and appoint a lieutenant to serve on the Joint Chiefs of Staff 6 Additionally Huntington argues the officership displays a decidedly corporate character as the officers tend to live apart from general society delineate hierarchy by specific uniforms and insignia and maintain a strict separation within the Department of Defense from lay people who merely administer violence reservists 7 Corporateness refers to the distinct and unique features specific to a profession that which separate it from other professions Entrance to the profession is restricted with high standards and fulfillment military academia and ranks Chapter two outlines the rise of the military profession in Western society He describes that the officer corps consisted of mercenaries from the breakdown of feudalism until their replacement by aristocratic officers after the Thirty Years War 1618 1648 and why neither the mercenaries nor aristocrats were professionals under his definition Finally in the 19th century the idea of the aristocratic military genius was replaced by the Prussian reliance upon average men succeeding by superior education organization and experience 8 Chapter three discusses the military mind and military professional ethic He notes misconceptions regarding the military mind and seeks to elaborate the professional military ethic with respect to 1 basic values and perspectives 2 national military policy 3 the relation of the military to the state 9 He summarizes the ethic as conservative realism It exalts obedience as the highest virtue of military men The military ethic is thus pessimistic collectivist historically inclined power oriented nationalistic militaristic pacifist and instrumentalist in its view of the military profession 10 Chapter four is a discussion of civil military relations in theory He defines subjective civilian control where military professionalism is reduced due to co opting of the military by civilian political groups and objective civilian control where military professional thrives as it is far removed from politics He describes the effect of four ideologies liberalism fascism Marxism conservatism on military professionalism and civilian control Chapter five analyzes the military professional in the German and Japanese societies where it became dominant as militarism He states that no country has had a wider variety of experiences in civil military relations than modern Germany with its officer corps achieving unmatched high standards of professionalism and then being completely prostituted under Nazism 11 He details the varying situations of the imperial World War I republican and Nazi periods In contrast Japanese civil military relations remained in a single relatively stable pattern from 1868 to 1945 where the military played a persistently active role in the politics of their country 11 He argues that in both countries the disruption of the civil military balance reflected more basic constitutional disorders and that disruption helped undermine the nation s security distorting the perspective and judgment of soldiers and statesmen 12 Part II Military Power in America The Historical Experience 1789 1940 edit Chapter six describes the military in the traditional liberal American political context in four sections liberalism and the Constitution as historical constants of American civil military relations the prevalence of liberalism in the U S the liberal approach to military affairs and the military hero in liberal politics He details how the American liberal approach to military affairs was hostile static and dominant the conservative approach of the Federalists and the South sympathetic constructive and thwarted 13 The elements of American liberalism which influenced international relations were 1 its indifference to international affairs 2 its application of domestic solutions to international affairs and 3 its search for objectivity in international affairs 14 He also states that the United States by virtue of its noninvolvement in the balance of power was able to pursue foreign policy objectives defined in terms of universal ideals rather than in terms of national interests 15 He discusses the hostile image of the military profession and liberal military policy He argues that the non professional military hero was traditionally welcomed in liberal America while the professional military hero was generally not successful politically Chapter seven explains the structure of civil military relations provided by the conservative U S constitution and civil control of the military Chapter eight outlines the American military tradition up to the Civil War Chapter nine is The Creation of the American Military Profession It outlines the contributions of key individuals and institutions and describes the origins of the American military mind Chapter ten covers the period 1890 to 1920 including Neo Hamiltonism Alfred Mahan and Leonard Wood Chapter eleven covers interwar civil military relations and the military ethic of the period Part III The Crisis of American Civil Military Relations 1940 1955 edit Chapter twelve covers World War II Chapter thirteen outlines civil military relations in the first decade after World War II Chapter fourteen is The Political Roles of the Joint Chiefs Chapter fifteen describes the impact of the separation of powers on civil military relations during the Cold War Chapter sixteen analyzes the Cold War structure of the Defense Department in the context of civil military relations Chapter seventeen discusses the challenges faced by the heightened ongoing defense needs of the Cold War versus the tradition of American liberalism and the move Towards a New Equilibrium between the two References edit Edward M Coffman January 1991 The Long Shadow of The Soldier and the State The Journal of Military History 55 1 69 82 doi 10 2307 1986129 JSTOR 1986129 subscription required Huntington S 1981 The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military Relations New York NY Belknap Press Page 7 Huntington S 1981 The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military Relations New York NY Belknap Press Page 8 10 Huntington S 1981 The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military Relations New York NY Belknap Press Page 11 Huntington Samuel The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military Relations New York Belknap Press 1957 pg 11 Huntington Samuel The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military Relations New York Belknap Press 1957 pg 14 15 Huntington Samuel The Soldier and the State The Theory and Politics of Civil Military Relations New York Belknap Press 1957 pg 16 pg 51 pg 62 pg 79 a b pg 98 pg 99 pg 147 pg 149 151 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title The Soldier and the State amp oldid 1221803934, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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