Tallensi, also spelled Talensi, are a people of northern Ghana who speak a language of the Gur branch of the Niger-Congo language family. They grow millet and sorghum as staples and raise cattle, sheep, and goats on a small scale. Their normal domestic unit is the polygamous joint family of a man and his sons (and sometimes grandsons) with their wives and unmarried daughters. Married daughters live with their husbands in other communities, commonly nearby.
The Tallensi are polygamous and follow a patrilineal system of kinship and descent. Great emphasis is placed on inheritance and the tensions surrounding parents' relationships with their children. It is considered essential for a man to have a son if he is to achieve fulfillment and be venerated as an ancestor after his death. However, the birth of a first-born son, and to a lesser extent a first-born daughter, is held to mark the culmination of a man's 'rise' in the world, and the start of his decline. Meanwhile, the son grows to replace and supplant the father. The resulting ambivalence between father and son plays an important role in Tallensi rituals and taboos.
Taboos begin when the first-born son reaches the age of five or six. From this time on the son may not eat from the same dish as his father, wear his father's cap or tunic, carry his father's quiver, use his father's bow, or look into his father's granary. When the son reaches adolescence, he may not meet his father in the entrance to the house compound. Similar taboos exist to regulate the relationship between mother and first-born daughter. The daughter, for example, may not look into her mother's storage pot.
Upon the death of a father, his first-born son and daughter lead the rituals involved in his funeral. The son, at this point, puts on his father's cap and tunic. A tribal elder, carrying the dead man's bow, ritually guides the son to his father's granary and shows him the inside. After his father's death the son is considered a mature man for the purposes of ritual, and it is his responsibility to make sacrifices to the ancestors, chief among them being his own father, who being recently dead is held to act as an intermediary between those still living and the more remote ancestors.
It is believed that these taboos and rituals serve to channel ambivalence and resentment between generations into culturally defined and culturally acceptable means of expression.
Sacred Crocodileedit
Among the Tallensi tribe there is a belief in the sacred crocodile. As Meyer Fortes highlighted in his ethnographic work "The concept of the person", special crocodiles in special pools are considered persons among the Tallensi. No local man, indeed no Tallensi would dare kill or injure a sacred crocodile. Every Tallensi knows that these crocodiles are the incarnation of important clan ancestors. To kill one of these is like killing a person. It is murder of the most heinous kind and it would bring disaster on the whole clan.
However, not all crocodiles are considered persons (ni-saal) for instance, in the rivers that are fished in the dry season - is not a person, not sacred. It can be killed and eaten.
"Farefare". Ethnologue. Retrieved 12 May 2005. The report mentions Talni as a dialect of Farefare.
Further readingedit
Fortes, Meyer (1945). The Dynamics of Clanship among the Tallensi. London: Oxford University Press (for International African Institute).
Fortes, Meyer (1949). The Web of Kinship among the Tallensi. London: Oxford University Press (for International African Institute).
Fortes, Meyer (1959). Oedipus and Job in West African Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Two reports of a stay among the Tallensi in Gbeogo:
Cleovoulou, Marios (June 1998). "How does development affect culture?".
Cleovoulou, Marios (1998). "1998 Newsletter".
Insoll, Timothy / MacLean, Rachel / Kankpeyeng, Benjamin (2013). Temporalising Anthropology: Archaeology in the Talensi Tong Hills, Northern Ghana. Frankfurt: Africa Magna Verlag
Riehl, Volker (2003). The Dynamics of Peace: role of traditional festivals of the Tallensí in northern Ghana in creating sustainable peace In: Kröger, F. / B. Meier (ed): Ghana’s North. Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang Verlag, 207 - 223
Riehl, Volker/Christiane Averbeck (1994) ‘Die Erde kommt, die Erde geht’: Zum religiösen Naturverständnis der Tallensi in Nord-Ghana In: Sociologus, N.F., Bd. 44, 136-148
Riehl, Volker (1993). Natur und Gemeinschaft: Sozialanthropologische Untersuchungen zur Gleichheit bei den Tallensi in Nord-Ghana Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang Verlag
Riehl, Volker (1989) The Land is Ours: Research on the Land-Use System among the Tallensi in Northern Ghana. In: Cambridge Anthropology, Vol. 14, No. 2, 26-42
December 15, 2023
tallensi, also, spelled, talensi, people, northern, ghana, speak, language, branch, niger, congo, language, family, they, grow, millet, sorghum, staples, raise, cattle, sheep, goats, small, scale, their, normal, domestic, unit, polygamous, joint, family, sons,. Tallensi also spelled Talensi are a people of northern Ghana who speak a language of the Gur branch of the Niger Congo language family They grow millet and sorghum as staples and raise cattle sheep and goats on a small scale Their normal domestic unit is the polygamous joint family of a man and his sons and sometimes grandsons with their wives and unmarried daughters Married daughters live with their husbands in other communities commonly nearby Contents 1 Rituals and traditions 1 1 Surrounding the first born son 1 2 Sacred Crocodile 2 See also 3 References 4 Further readingRituals and traditions editSurrounding the first born son edit The Tallensi are polygamous and follow a patrilineal system of kinship and descent Great emphasis is placed on inheritance and the tensions surrounding parents relationships with their children It is considered essential for a man to have a son if he is to achieve fulfillment and be venerated as an ancestor after his death However the birth of a first born son and to a lesser extent a first born daughter is held to mark the culmination of a man s rise in the world and the start of his decline Meanwhile the son grows to replace and supplant the father The resulting ambivalence between father and son plays an important role in Tallensi rituals and taboos Taboos begin when the first born son reaches the age of five or six From this time on the son may not eat from the same dish as his father wear his father s cap or tunic carry his father s quiver use his father s bow or look into his father s granary When the son reaches adolescence he may not meet his father in the entrance to the house compound Similar taboos exist to regulate the relationship between mother and first born daughter The daughter for example may not look into her mother s storage pot Upon the death of a father his first born son and daughter lead the rituals involved in his funeral The son at this point puts on his father s cap and tunic A tribal elder carrying the dead man s bow ritually guides the son to his father s granary and shows him the inside After his father s death the son is considered a mature man for the purposes of ritual and it is his responsibility to make sacrifices to the ancestors chief among them being his own father who being recently dead is held to act as an intermediary between those still living and the more remote ancestors It is believed that these taboos and rituals serve to channel ambivalence and resentment between generations into culturally defined and culturally acceptable means of expression Sacred Crocodile edit Among the Tallensi tribe there is a belief in the sacred crocodile As Meyer Fortes highlighted in his ethnographic work The concept of the person special crocodiles in special pools are considered persons among the Tallensi No local man indeed no Tallensi would dare kill or injure a sacred crocodile Every Tallensi knows that these crocodiles are the incarnation of important clan ancestors To kill one of these is like killing a person It is murder of the most heinous kind and it would bring disaster on the whole clan However not all crocodiles are considered persons ni saal for instance in the rivers that are fished in the dry season is not a person not sacred It can be killed and eaten See also editTongnaab a fertility deity of the Tallensi References editFortes Meyer 1974 The First Born Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 15 81 104 Keesing Roger Martin 1981 Cultural Anthropology A Contemporary Perspective 2nd ed New York Holt Rinehart and Winston ISBN 0 03 046296 7 Farefare Ethnologue Retrieved 12 May 2005 The report mentions Talni as a dialect of Farefare Further reading editFortes Meyer 1945 The Dynamics of Clanship among the Tallensi London Oxford University Press for International African Institute Fortes Meyer 1949 The Web of Kinship among the Tallensi London Oxford University Press for International African Institute Fortes Meyer 1959 Oedipus and Job in West African Religion Cambridge Cambridge University Press Two reports of a stay among the Tallensi in Gbeogo Cleovoulou Marios June 1998 How does development affect culture Cleovoulou Marios 1998 1998 Newsletter Insoll Timothy MacLean Rachel Kankpeyeng Benjamin 2013 Temporalising Anthropology Archaeology in the Talensi Tong Hills Northern Ghana Frankfurt Africa Magna Verlag Riehl Volker 2003 The Dynamics of Peace role of traditional festivals of the Tallensi in northern Ghana in creating sustainable peace In Kroger F B Meier ed Ghana s North Frankfurt M Peter Lang Verlag 207 223 Riehl Volker Christiane Averbeck 1994 Die Erde kommt die Erde geht Zum religiosen Naturverstandnis der Tallensi in Nord Ghana In Sociologus N F Bd 44 136 148 Riehl Volker 1993 Natur und Gemeinschaft Sozialanthropologische Untersuchungen zur Gleichheit bei den Tallensi in Nord Ghana Frankfurt M Peter Lang Verlag Riehl Volker 1989 The Land is Ours Research on the Land Use System among the Tallensi in Northern Ghana In Cambridge Anthropology Vol 14 No 2 26 42 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Tallensi amp oldid 1186253919, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,
