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Fortunatov–de Saussure law

January 01, 1970

Not to be confused with Fortunatov's law, an Indo-Aryan sound change.

The Fortunatov–de Saussure law, or de Saussure's law, is an accentological law discovered independently by the Russian linguist Filipp Fortunatov (1895) and the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure (1896).

Overview edit

Further information: Proto-Balto-Slavic language § Accent paradigms

According to Fortunatov's 1895 theory, the verbosity in the "Proto-Lithuanian-Slavic" language shifts the stress from the preceding syllable if the articulation did not have an extension. Thus, in the word for "beard" in Russian and Lithuanian, the accent shifted from the root to the ending since the root had an intermittent length, and the ending is the extended length. However, in the word воро́на "crow" in Russian and Lithuanian the accent was preserved in the root since it is elongated. In Russian and Lithuanian the word bar̃zdą "beard" had no accent shift since the ending of the accusative case has an intermittent length.

According to de Saussure's formulation of 1896, the accent in Lithuanian was regularly shifted to the next syllable when it fell on a syllable with a circumflex intonation, only if there was another with an acute intonation after this syllable.[1]

Valence theory edit

See also: Proto-Indo-European accent § Valence theory

According to the formulation of the Moscow Accentological School, in the Early Proto-Slavic (most likely Balto-Slavic) languages, accent shifted from dominant short and dominant circumflex syllables to syllables with an internal dominant acute, and there was no shift to both recessive aсutе and long syllables that had a circumflex intonation.[2]

For the Lithuanian language, Vladimir Dybo introduced a clarification to this law: "The accent was shifted from the circumflex to the next final acute. Without prohibitions. And the next, not the final acute, only if both syllables have the same accentuation valence".[3] This clarification explains the forms of the type dat.pl. viẽtoms "place".[3]

Willem Vermeer criticizes this clarification of Dybo precisely in connection with the forms dative plural:[4]

Assuming that de Saussure's law as traditionally understood operated regularly in these forms, yielding *vietóms [ʽместам'] etc., analogical restoration of stem stress is a completely natural reaction of the system, given the fact that in all other stem classes accent type (2) has stem stress in these forms. <…> Restoration of stem stress in Dpl <…> is so banal that Stang <…> sees no need to go to the trouble of explaining it.

Criticizing Vermeer, Sergei Bolotov and Mikhail Oslon reject his explanation by means of a analogical restoration and try to derive a certain rule explaining the occurrence of the acute. They also notice that Christian Stang sees a need to go to the trouble of explaining it,[a] contrary to what Vermeer wrote.[4]

Classically in the dat.pl. of ā-stems, acute is usually postulated. The idea of the acuteness of this ending seems to originate, among other things, from the Slavic correspondence, cf. dat.pl. *golva̋mъ, as well as from the segment composition: *-ah₂-mos. At the same time, however, it is obvious that the other two plural endings, namely: inst.pl. galvomìs ~ *golva̋mi and iness.pl. galvosè and dial. galvosù ~ *golva̋xъ do not converge in Lithuanian and Slavic at the place of accent. This discrepancy also undermines the comparison dat.pl. galvóms ~ *golva̋mъ. Thus, probably for the first time, Thomas Olander drew attention to the non-acute of the previous syllable:

[I]t is perhaps more likely that the acute pre-LI *-āˀ- first became circumflex by analogy with the other stems and then was subject to Saussure's Law.

The assumption of a circumflex on this *-ā- explains the forms of the type viẽtoms, viẽtomis, viẽtose, viẽtom, but not *vietóms, *vietómis, *vietóse, *vietóm, thus de Saussure's law should not be expected here, whereas acuteness in mobile paradigms is secondary (for example in dat. pl. žẽmėms (2) "land" ~ žvaigždė́ms (4) "star"). Later it was shown that the appearance of the "secondary" acute is associated with the vowel apocope caused by the Leskien–Otrębski–Smoczyński's rule. The appearance of the circumflex in place of the probable acuteness (from *-ah₂-) is due to Nikolaev's metatony, and not to the Olander's analogy. Presumably, this can be confirmed by Slavic data, where there are variants with circumflex. For example, in Czech (-ám, -ách), Chakavian (-ãh) and Polish (-åch).

Subsequently the Moscow Accentological School, after a thorough analysis of imaginary and marginal exceptions to the de Saussure's law, cancelled Dybo's clarification and introduced a reduction in the endings of primary cases or Leskien–Otrębski–Smoczyński's rule.[5]

Leskien–Otrębski–Smoczyński rule edit

With the apocope of the stressed final syllable, a circumflex appears after an unstressed short monophthong (VRV́[C]# → VŔ[C]#):

  • acc.sg. tavè → taũ "you";
  • nom.sg. anàs → añs "he";
  • acc.sg. manè → mañ "me";
  • instr.sg. akimì → akim̃ "eye";
  • instr.du. *akimV̀ → akim̃ "eye";
  • iness.sg. sūnujè → sūnuj̃ "son";
  • iness.sg. kamè → kam̃ "where";
  • iness.sg.m. baltamè → baltam̃ "white";
  • instr.pl. akimìs → akim̃s → akim̃ "eye".

With the apocope of the stressed final syllable, a circumflex appears after an unstressed long monophthong (VVRV́[C]# → VV́[R]#):

  • akysè → akỹs;
  • akyjè → akỹj → akỹ;
  • *galvomV̀ → galvõm;
  • žolėjè → žolė̃j → žolė̃;
  • galvojè → galvõj → galvõ;
  • galvomìs → galvõms → galvõm.

With the apocope of the stressed final syllable, a circumflex appears after an unstressed diphthong (VVRV́# → VV́[R]#):

  • sudievù (v → u) → sudiẽu → sudiẽ;
  • dienà → diẽn → diẽ;
  • pirmà → pir̃m.

With the apocope of the unstressed final syllable, an acute appears after a stressed short monophthong (V́RV[C]# → V́R[C]#):

  • jùmus → jùms;
  • *akìmV → akìm;
  • mùmus → mùms;
  • *akìmus → akìms;
  • *žiedàmV → žiedám;
  • *žiedàmus → žiedáms.

With the apocope of the unstressed final syllable, an acute appears after a stressed long monophthong (VV́RVC# → V́VRC#):

  • *jõmus → jóms;
  • *baltõmus → baltóms;
  • *galvõmus → galvóms.

Opposition edit

Christian Stang, Frederik Kortlandt, Rick Derksen, and many other linguists deny the operation of the Fortunatov–de Saussure's law in Proto-Slavic.[6][7][8] Jerzy Kuryłowicz did not deny the operation of the law, but he rejected the tonological interpretation of the movement of stress on the endings: he believed that the shift of stress from circumflex syllables to the ending of the word is not caused by the acute nature of the endings, but their reduction.[8][9]

See also edit

References edit

Notes edit

  1. ^ See in Stang, Christian S. (1966, 1975), Vergleichende Grammatik der baltischen Sprachen. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, pages 289‒290
  1. ^ Bolotov & Oslon (2019), p. 55.
  2. ^ Dybo, Zamyatina & Nikolaev (1993), pp. 11, 15.
  3. ^ a b Bolotov & Oslon (2019), p. 59.
  4. ^ a b Bolotov & Oslon (2019), p. 60.
  5. ^ Bolotov & Oslon (2019), pp. 64–75.
  6. ^ Kortlandt, Frederik (2009). Balto-Slavic accentuation revisited. Studies in Germanic, Indo-European, and Indo-Uralic (Leiden Studies in Indo-European 17), Amsterdam & New York: Rodopi, p. 345
  7. ^ Derksen (1991), p. 56.
  8. ^ a b Dybo (2006), p. 6.
  9. ^ Olander (2009), pp. 110–112.

Bibliography edit

  • Bolotov, S. G.; Oslon, M. V. (2019). "Правило Лескина–Отрембского–Смочиньского" и мнимые исключения из закона де Соссюра (in Russian). Vol. 10 (Institute of Slavic studies of Russian Academy of Sciences ed.). Moscow. pp. 55–91.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Derksen, Rick (1991), Introduction to the History of Lithuanian accentuation, vol. 16 (Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics ed.)
  • Dybo, V. A.; Zamyatina, G. I.; Nikolaev, S. L. [in Russian] (1993). Основы славянской акцентологии. Словарь. Непроизводные основы мужского рода. (in Russian). Vol. 1. Moscow: Nauka. p. 334. ISBN 5-02-011139-2.
  • Dybo, Vladimir (2006), Сравнительно-историческая акцентология, новый взгляд: по поводу книги В. Лефельдта "Введение в морфологическую концепцию славянской акцентологии" (in Russian), vol. 2, Moscow: Вопросы языкознания
  • Olander, Thomas (2009). Balto-Slavic Accentual Mobility. Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs 199. Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter.

January 01, 1970
fortunatov, saussure, confused, with, fortunatov, indo, aryan, sound, change, this, article, includes, list, general, references, lacks, sufficient, corresponding, inline, citations, please, help, improve, this, article, introducing, more, precise, citations, . Not to be confused with Fortunatov s law an Indo Aryan sound change This article includes a list of general references but it lacks sufficient corresponding inline citations Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations April 2020 Learn how and when to remove this message The Fortunatov de Saussure law or de Saussure s law is an accentological law discovered independently by the Russian linguist Filipp Fortunatov 1895 and the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure 1896 Contents 1 Overview 1 1 Valence theory 1 1 1 Leskien Otrebski Smoczynski rule 2 Opposition 3 See also 4 References 4 1 Notes 4 2 BibliographyOverview editFurther information Proto Balto Slavic language Accent paradigms According to Fortunatov s 1895 theory the verbosity in the Proto Lithuanian Slavic language shifts the stress from the preceding syllable if the articulation did not have an extension Thus in the word for beard in Russian and Lithuanian the accent shifted from the root to the ending since the root had an intermittent length and the ending is the extended length However in the word voro na crow in Russian and Lithuanian the accent was preserved in the root since it is elongated In Russian and Lithuanian the word bar zda beard had no accent shift since the ending of the accusative case has an intermittent length According to de Saussure s formulation of 1896 the accent in Lithuanian was regularly shifted to the next syllable when it fell on a syllable with a circumflex intonation only if there was another with an acute intonation after this syllable 1 Valence theory edit See also Proto Indo European accent Valence theory According to the formulation of the Moscow Accentological School in the Early Proto Slavic most likely Balto Slavic languages accent shifted from dominant short and dominant circumflex syllables to syllables with an internal dominant acute and there was no shift to both recessive asute and long syllables that had a circumflex intonation 2 For the Lithuanian language Vladimir Dybo introduced a clarification to this law The accent was shifted from the circumflex to the next final acute Without prohibitions And the next not the final acute only if both syllables have the same accentuation valence 3 This clarification explains the forms of the type dat pl viẽtoms place 3 Willem Vermeer criticizes this clarification of Dybo precisely in connection with the forms dative plural 4 Assuming that de Saussure s law as traditionally understood operated regularly in these forms yielding vietoms ʽmestam etc analogical restoration of stem stress is a completely natural reaction of the system given the fact that in all other stem classes accent type 2 has stem stress in these forms lt gt Restoration of stem stress in Dpl lt gt is so banal that Stang lt gt sees no need to go to the trouble of explaining it Criticizing Vermeer Sergei Bolotov and Mikhail Oslon reject his explanation by means of a analogical restoration and try to derive a certain rule explaining the occurrence of the acute They also notice that Christian Stang sees a need to go to the trouble of explaining it a contrary to what Vermeer wrote 4 Classically in the dat pl of a stems acute is usually postulated The idea of the acuteness of this ending seems to originate among other things from the Slavic correspondence cf dat pl golva m as well as from the segment composition ah mos At the same time however it is obvious that the other two plural endings namely inst pl galvomis golva mi and iness pl galvose and dial galvosu golva x do not converge in Lithuanian and Slavic at the place of accent This discrepancy also undermines the comparison dat pl galvoms golva m Thus probably for the first time Thomas Olander drew attention to the non acute of the previous syllable I t is perhaps more likely that the acute pre LI aˀ first became circumflex by analogy with the other stems and then was subject to Saussure s Law The assumption of a circumflex on this a explains the forms of the type viẽtoms viẽtomis viẽtose viẽtom but not vietoms vietomis vietose vietom thus de Saussure s law should not be expected here whereas acuteness in mobile paradigms is secondary for example in dat pl zẽmems 2 land zvaigzde ms 4 star Later it was shown that the appearance of the secondary acute is associated with the vowel apocope caused by the Leskien Otrebski Smoczynski s rule The appearance of the circumflex in place of the probable acuteness from ah is due to Nikolaev s metatony and not to the Olander s analogy Presumably this can be confirmed by Slavic data where there are variants with circumflex For example in Czech am ach Chakavian ah and Polish ach Subsequently the Moscow Accentological School after a thorough analysis of imaginary and marginal exceptions to the de Saussure s law cancelled Dybo s clarification and introduced a reduction in the endings of primary cases or Leskien Otrebski Smoczynski s rule 5 Leskien Otrebski Smoczynski rule edit With the apocope of the stressed final syllable a circumflex appears after an unstressed short monophthong VRV C VŔ C acc sg tave taũ you nom sg anas ans he acc sg mane man me instr sg akimi akim eye instr du akimV akim eye iness sg sunuje sunuj son iness sg kame kam where iness sg m baltame baltam white instr pl akimis akim s akim eye With the apocope of the stressed final syllable a circumflex appears after an unstressed long monophthong VVRV C VV R akyse akỹs akyje akỹj akỹ galvomV galvom zoleje zole j zole galvoje galvoj galvo galvomis galvoms galvom With the apocope of the stressed final syllable a circumflex appears after an unstressed diphthong VVRV VV R sudievu v u sudiẽu sudiẽ diena diẽn diẽ pirma pir m With the apocope of the unstressed final syllable an acute appears after a stressed short monophthong V RV C V R C jumus jums akimV akim mumus mums akimus akims ziedamV ziedam ziedamus ziedams With the apocope of the unstressed final syllable an acute appears after a stressed long monophthong VV RVC V VRC jomus joms baltomus baltoms galvomus galvoms Opposition editChristian Stang Frederik Kortlandt Rick Derksen and many other linguists deny the operation of the Fortunatov de Saussure s law in Proto Slavic 6 7 8 Jerzy Kurylowicz did not deny the operation of the law but he rejected the tonological interpretation of the movement of stress on the endings he believed that the shift of stress from circumflex syllables to the ending of the word is not caused by the acute nature of the endings but their reduction 8 9 See also editDybo s lawReferences editNotes edit See in Stang Christian S 1966 1975 Vergleichende Grammatik der baltischen Sprachen Oslo Universitetsforlaget pages 289 290 Bolotov amp Oslon 2019 p 55 Dybo Zamyatina amp Nikolaev 1993 pp 11 15 a b Bolotov amp Oslon 2019 p 59 a b Bolotov amp Oslon 2019 p 60 Bolotov amp Oslon 2019 pp 64 75 Kortlandt Frederik 2009 Balto Slavic accentuation revisited Studies in Germanic Indo European and Indo Uralic Leiden Studies in Indo European 17 Amsterdam amp New York Rodopi p 345 Derksen 1991 p 56 a b Dybo 2006 p 6 Olander 2009 pp 110 112 Bibliography edit Bolotov S G Oslon M V 2019 Pravilo Leskina Otrembskogo Smochinskogo i mnimye isklyucheniya iz zakona de Sossyura in Russian Vol 10 Institute of Slavic studies of Russian Academy of Sciences ed Moscow pp 55 91 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a CS1 maint location missing publisher link Derksen Rick 1991 Introduction to the History of Lithuanian accentuation vol 16 Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics ed Dybo V A Zamyatina G I Nikolaev S L in Russian 1993 Osnovy slavyanskoj akcentologii Slovar Neproizvodnye osnovy muzhskogo roda in Russian Vol 1 Moscow Nauka p 334 ISBN 5 02 011139 2 Dybo Vladimir 2006 Sravnitelno istoricheskaya akcentologiya novyj vzglyad po povodu knigi V Lefeldta Vvedenie v morfologicheskuyu koncepciyu slavyanskoj akcentologii in Russian vol 2 Moscow Voprosy yazykoznaniya Olander Thomas 2009 Balto Slavic Accentual Mobility Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 199 Berlin Mouton De Gruyter Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Fortunatov de Saussure law amp oldid 1212003185, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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