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Yir-Yoront

The Yir-Yoront, also known as the Yir Yiront, are an Indigenous Australian people of the Cape York Peninsula now living mostly in Kowanyama (kawn yamar or 'many waters') but also in Lirrqar/Pormpuraaw, both towns outside their traditional lands.

Yir-Yoront
Regions with significant populations
Australia
Languages
Yir-Yoront, English
Related ethnic groups
Yirrk-Thangalkl, Kokopera, Thaayorre, Uw Olkola, Uw Oykangand

Language edit

Yir-Yoront belongs to the Pama-Maric group of the Pama-Nyungan language family.[1] Etymologically their language and the ethnonym derived from it are composed of yirrq (speech) and yorront. Several roots for Yorront have been proposed, one suggesting it is derived from yorr(l) (thus, like this), this-style denominations for tribal languages being not infrequent in Australia. Alpher argues that the more convincing etymon is yorr (sand), sandridges constituting the core geomorphic feature of Yir Yoront traditional territory. To support this interpretation he notes that an alternative voice for both the people and the language is Yirr-Thuchm, where thuch denotes a sandridge.[2]

The Yoront adopt sign language when people withdraw from their social world, or are ashamed of themselves.[3]

Country edit

The earliest explorers came across the Yir-Yoront in their traditional lands, each sectioned according to patrilineal clan divisions, at the separate mouths of the Mitchell River, and also the mouth of the Coleman River, and the land on the coastal strip between them. Norman Tindale estimated their overall tribal grounds as covering approximately 500 square miles (1,300 km2).[4]

Mythology edit

Pam-nhing were the ancestral supernatural beings responsible for both the creation of the world and for the way the group was organized socially. Every site was associated with its ancestral pam-nhing owner, to whom living Yir-Yoront owners were related through the male line. The word also signified a doppelganger or guardian spirit, distinct from both one's mang (reflection, image) and the pam-ngerrr or inner soul, pulse, breath of a person.[5]

Society edit

Yir-Yoront land divisions were based on patrilineal clans, each of which had a swathe of territory segments of which, on the birth of individual clan-members was then assigned to members according to their respective conception totems (lerrn nerp).[6] That is, their names (nhaprr) were drawn from their clan totems (purrn).[7] This territory extended into the tribal areas of the Kuuk-Thaayorre and Yirrq-mayn (Bakanh) to their north and northwest through political alliances and exogamous marriages that led to Yir-Yoront people adopting other languages ).[8] Their clan system was composed of two moieties, the Pam-Pip and the Pam-Lul.[9]

Ontology edit

The Yir-Yoront distinguishes ordinary humans (pam-morr) where morr denotes 'real', from beings in the other world or realm of the dead, spirits and malevolent beings (wangrr), from dreamed entities (pitthar), and the ancestral beings of the primal time of Creation (pam-wolhlvm, pam-nhing, pam-kopw, pam-ngulgl). By metaphoric extension whites fall outside the category of real beings (morr) and are classified under wangrr, vagrant other world beings of malevolent intent.[10]

Lerrn nerp, literally spirit-child, was the animating figure at conception, the natural object that was the agent of concept was conceived of as an 'image' (mang).[11] While the father's role in conception is acknowledged, pregnancy itself takes place only when the lerrn nerp immigrates into the body during copulation.[12]

History edit

The Dutch exploratory mission under Jan Carstenszoon landed in 1623 on the coast where the Yir-Yoront dwelt, in order to trade for necessities. The logbook reports that the Dutch found a people who had "no knowledge of precious metals or spices".[13] All the goods the Dutch gave in exchange were still in use among the Yir-Yoront save for pieces of iron and beads.[14] The iron had never been incorporated into their totemic ideology.[15]

A clash that in white man's memory became known as the "Battle of the Mitchell River," in 1864 between European colonists driving cattle under Francis Lascelles Jardine to the newly established station at Somerset and the probable forebears of the Yir-Yoront led to the death of some 30 odd tribesman with many more probably injured.[14] It is judged to have been one of the rare instances in which Australian aboriginals stood their ground in the face of withering European gunfire for any length of time.[14] During intensive field work in 1933–1935 the American anthropologist Lauriston Sharp failed to elicit any hint of a memory that the incident had occurred.[16] The Australian anthropologist W.E.H Stanner cited the essay to question the very notion of a perduring and stable tradition within Aboriginal society, since it appeared that crucial events could vanish from memory within a brief period.[17][18] Nonie Sharp however stated much later that the event was still fresh in the memories of the dispersed tribes living in Kowanyama down to the present day.[19]

Down to the 1930s the Yir-Yoront were relatively autonomous, living in areas not at that time subject to pastoralist expropriation. They were then drawn into the Mitchell River Mission and also, soon after, in 1942, at Edward River Mission (known to the Yir-Yoront as Lirrqar, though now known by its Kuuk-Thaayorre name, Pormpuraaw), with the ready availability of steel axes and fishhooks living on the missions afforded, together with sugar and tobacco.[20] The introduction of steel tools, it is argued, radically disrupted the culture, since even rock axes were not fashioned by the Yir-Yoront, whose territory was short on suitable rock outcrops, and who had to get them through long-distance trade and exchange networks. Once nearby purchase became accessible, the facility had a revolutionizing ripple down effect of disruption on the earlier exchange system, breaking the monopoly of the elders.[21] Older men avoided initially the missions, and thus the young men and women could obtain the much-sought axes there without having to wait on their male elders, obey the ritual traditions, but simply in exchange for their labour at the missions.[22][15]

"They don't work" edit

In 1958 Lauriston Sharp argued that the Yir-Yoront were devoid of politics because they could only think of relationship in terms of kinship system.[23] This was cited in turn by Marshall Sahlins in his Stone Age Economics[24] who argued that while what we call institutional differentiation exists among them, they do not, as civilized people do, draw a clear line between work and play. The economist Robert L. Heilbroner took this to mean that the concept of work was absent from the most primitive societies, such as the Trobriand Islanders, the !Kung and, citing for this Sahlins' ostensible authority, also the Yir-Yoront, who, he asserted 'use the same word for work and play'.[25] Barry Alpher showed that though their word 'woq' looks like a post-colonial borrowing from English 'work', it can be paralleled in other aboriginal languages cf. 'wuku' attested in the Djabugay language. For the Yir-Yoront, therefore, woq is applied to 'activity of any kind done for a boss and/or (for) pay.' Heilbroner's prominent claim was flawed from the start.[26][27]

Alternative names edit

  • Koka-mungin
  • KokoMandjoen, Koko-manjoen
  • Kokomindjan
  • KokoMindjin, Kokominjan, KokoMinjen
  • Yir-yiront

Source: Tindale 1974, p. 171

Some words edit

  • wart' (bad)
  • wart'uwər (woman)[a]

Notes edit

  1. ^ The word for 'woman' comes from the reduplication of the word for 'bad'. Alpher notes:'It is probably through some such associations ('fertility' or 'taboo'- perhaps via the prohibition against women viewing sacred things) that 'woman' has come to be expressed by a reduplicated form of 'bad' in Coastal Southwest Pama.' (Alpher 1972, p. 83)

Citations edit

  1. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 4.
  2. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 3.
  3. ^ Kendon 1988, pp. 46, 67.
  4. ^ Tindale 1974, p. 171.
  5. ^ Alpher 1991, pp. 389–391.
  6. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 1.
  7. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 86.
  8. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 2.
  9. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 87.
  10. ^ Alpher 1991, pp. 89–90.
  11. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 336.
  12. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 94.
  13. ^ Roberts 2005, pp. 3–4.
  14. ^ a b c Sharp 1968, p. 117.
  15. ^ a b Schiffer 2016, p. 219.
  16. ^ Stanner 2014, p. 274.
  17. ^ Stanner 2014, p. 278.
  18. ^ Sharp 1968, p. 118.
  19. ^ Sharp 2002, p. 240.
  20. ^ Alpher 1991, pp. 1–2.
  21. ^ Mitchell 2003, p. 188.
  22. ^ Sharp 1968.
  23. ^ Sharp 1958, pp. 1–8.
  24. ^ Sahlins 1974, p. 18, n.14.
  25. ^ Heilbroner 1989, p. 83.
  26. ^ Alpher 1991, p. 629.
  27. ^ Shershow 2005, p. 231 n.3.

Sources edit

  • Alpher, Barry (1972). "On the Genetic Subgrouping of the Languages of Southwestern Cape York Peninsula, Australia". Oceanic Linguistics. 11 (2): 67–87. doi:10.2307/3622803. JSTOR 3622803.
  • Alpher, Barry (1991). Yir-Yoront Lexicon: Sketch and Dictionary of an Australian Language. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-110-87265-1.
  • Heilbroner, Robert L. (1989). Behind the Veil of Economics: Essays in the Worldly Philosophy. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-24263-8.
  • Kendon, Adam (1988). Sign Languages of Aboriginal Australia: Cultural, Semiotic and Communicative Perspectives. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-36008-1.
  • Mitchell, Scott (2003). "Guns or barter? Indigenous exchange networks and the mediation of conflict in post-contact western Arnhem Land". In Clarke, Anne; Torrence, Robin (eds.). The Archaeology of Difference: Negotiating Cross-Cultural Engagements in Oceania. Routledge. pp. 187–220. ISBN 978-1-134-82842-5.
  • Roberts, Tony (2005). Frontier Justice: A History of the Gulf Country to 1900. University of Queensland Press. ISBN 978-0-702-24083-6.
  • Sahlins, Marshall (1974) [First published 1968]. Stone Age Economics. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0-202-36931-0.
  • Schiffer, Michael B. (2016). Behavioral Archaeology: Principles and Practice. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-90372-6.
  • Sharp, Nonie (2002). Saltwater People: The Waves of Memory. University of Toronto Press. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-802-08549-8.
  • Sharp, R. Lauriston (June 1934). "The Social Organization of the Yir-Yoront Tribe, Cape York Peninsula (Part 1. Kinship and the Family". Oceania. 4 (4): 404–431. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1934.tb00120.x. JSTOR 27976162.
  • Sharp, R. Lauriston (1958). "People without Politics: The Australian Yir Yoront". In Ray, V. F. (ed.). Systems of Political Control and Bureaucracy in Human Societies. American Ethnological Society. pp. 1–8.
  • Sharp, R. Lauriston (1968). "Steel Axes for Stone–Age Australians". In Cohen, Yehudi A. (ed.). Man in Adaptation: The Cultural Present (2nd ed.). Transaction Publishers. pp. 116–127. ISBN 978-0-202-36721-7.
  • Shershow, Scott Cutler (2005). The Work and the Gift. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-75257-0.
  • Stanner, W. E. H. (2014). On Aboriginal Religion. Sydney University Press. ISBN 978-1-743-32388-5.
  • Tindale, Norman Barnett (1974). "Jirjoront (QLD)". Aboriginal Tribes of Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental Controls, Distribution, Limits, and Proper Names. Australian National University Press.

yoront, also, known, yiront, indigenous, australian, people, cape, york, peninsula, living, mostly, kowanyama, kawn, yamar, many, waters, also, lirrqar, pormpuraaw, both, towns, outside, their, traditional, lands, regions, with, significant, populationsaustral. The Yir Yoront also known as the Yir Yiront are an Indigenous Australian people of the Cape York Peninsula now living mostly in Kowanyama kawn yamar or many waters but also in Lirrqar Pormpuraaw both towns outside their traditional lands Yir YorontRegions with significant populationsAustraliaLanguagesYir Yoront EnglishRelated ethnic groupsYirrk Thangalkl Kokopera Thaayorre Uw Olkola Uw Oykangand Contents 1 Language 2 Country 3 Mythology 4 Society 5 Ontology 6 History 7 They don t work 8 Alternative names 9 Some words 10 Notes 10 1 Citations 11 SourcesLanguage editYir Yoront belongs to the Pama Maric group of the Pama Nyungan language family 1 Etymologically their language and the ethnonym derived from it are composed of yirrq speech and yorront Several roots for Yorront have been proposed one suggesting it is derived from yorr l thus like this this style denominations for tribal languages being not infrequent in Australia Alpher argues that the more convincing etymon is yorr sand sandridges constituting the core geomorphic feature of Yir Yoront traditional territory To support this interpretation he notes that an alternative voice for both the people and the language is Yirr Thuchm where thuch denotes a sandridge 2 The Yoront adopt sign language when people withdraw from their social world or are ashamed of themselves 3 Country editThe earliest explorers came across the Yir Yoront in their traditional lands each sectioned according to patrilineal clan divisions at the separate mouths of the Mitchell River and also the mouth of the Coleman River and the land on the coastal strip between them Norman Tindale estimated their overall tribal grounds as covering approximately 500 square miles 1 300 km2 4 Mythology editPam nhing were the ancestral supernatural beings responsible for both the creation of the world and for the way the group was organized socially Every site was associated with its ancestral pam nhing owner to whom living Yir Yoront owners were related through the male line The word also signified a doppelganger or guardian spirit distinct from both one s mang reflection image and the pam ngerrr or inner soul pulse breath of a person 5 Society editYir Yoront land divisions were based on patrilineal clans each of which had a swathe of territory segments of which on the birth of individual clan members was then assigned to members according to their respective conception totems lerrn nerp 6 That is their names nhaprr were drawn from their clan totems purrn 7 This territory extended into the tribal areas of the Kuuk Thaayorre and Yirrq mayn Bakanh to their north and northwest through political alliances and exogamous marriages that led to Yir Yoront people adopting other languages 8 Their clan system was composed of two moieties the Pam Pip and the Pam Lul 9 Ontology editThe Yir Yoront distinguishes ordinary humans pam morr where morr denotes real from beings in the other world or realm of the dead spirits and malevolent beings wangrr from dreamed entities pitthar and the ancestral beings of the primal time of Creation pam wolhlvm pam nhing pam kopw pam ngulgl By metaphoric extension whites fall outside the category of real beings morr and are classified under wangrr vagrant other world beings of malevolent intent 10 Lerrn nerp literally spirit child was the animating figure at conception the natural object that was the agent of concept was conceived of as an image mang 11 While the father s role in conception is acknowledged pregnancy itself takes place only when the lerrn nerp immigrates into the body during copulation 12 History editThe Dutch exploratory mission under Jan Carstenszoon landed in 1623 on the coast where the Yir Yoront dwelt in order to trade for necessities The logbook reports that the Dutch found a people who had no knowledge of precious metals or spices 13 All the goods the Dutch gave in exchange were still in use among the Yir Yoront save for pieces of iron and beads 14 The iron had never been incorporated into their totemic ideology 15 A clash that in white man s memory became known as the Battle of the Mitchell River in 1864 between European colonists driving cattle under Francis Lascelles Jardine to the newly established station at Somerset and the probable forebears of the Yir Yoront led to the death of some 30 odd tribesman with many more probably injured 14 It is judged to have been one of the rare instances in which Australian aboriginals stood their ground in the face of withering European gunfire for any length of time 14 During intensive field work in 1933 1935 the American anthropologist Lauriston Sharp failed to elicit any hint of a memory that the incident had occurred 16 The Australian anthropologist W E H Stanner cited the essay to question the very notion of a perduring and stable tradition within Aboriginal society since it appeared that crucial events could vanish from memory within a brief period 17 18 Nonie Sharp however stated much later that the event was still fresh in the memories of the dispersed tribes living in Kowanyama down to the present day 19 Down to the 1930s the Yir Yoront were relatively autonomous living in areas not at that time subject to pastoralist expropriation They were then drawn into the Mitchell River Mission and also soon after in 1942 at Edward River Mission known to the Yir Yoront as Lirrqar though now known by its Kuuk Thaayorre name Pormpuraaw with the ready availability of steel axes and fishhooks living on the missions afforded together with sugar and tobacco 20 The introduction of steel tools it is argued radically disrupted the culture since even rock axes were not fashioned by the Yir Yoront whose territory was short on suitable rock outcrops and who had to get them through long distance trade and exchange networks Once nearby purchase became accessible the facility had a revolutionizing ripple down effect of disruption on the earlier exchange system breaking the monopoly of the elders 21 Older men avoided initially the missions and thus the young men and women could obtain the much sought axes there without having to wait on their male elders obey the ritual traditions but simply in exchange for their labour at the missions 22 15 They don t work editIn 1958 Lauriston Sharp argued that the Yir Yoront were devoid of politics because they could only think of relationship in terms of kinship system 23 This was cited in turn by Marshall Sahlins in his Stone Age Economics 24 who argued that while what we call institutional differentiation exists among them they do not as civilized people do draw a clear line between work and play The economist Robert L Heilbroner took this to mean that the concept of work was absent from the most primitive societies such as the Trobriand Islanders the Kung and citing for this Sahlins ostensible authority also the Yir Yoront who he asserted use the same word for work and play 25 Barry Alpher showed that though their word woq looks like a post colonial borrowing from English work it can be paralleled in other aboriginal languages cf wuku attested in the Djabugay language For the Yir Yoront therefore woq is applied to activity of any kind done for a boss and or for pay Heilbroner s prominent claim was flawed from the start 26 27 Alternative names editKoka mungin KokoMandjoen Koko manjoen Kokomindjan KokoMindjin Kokominjan KokoMinjen Yir yiront Source Tindale 1974 p 171Some words editwart bad wart uwer woman a Notes edit The word for woman comes from the reduplication of the word for bad Alpher notes It is probably through some such associations fertility or taboo perhaps via the prohibition against women viewing sacred things that woman has come to be expressed by a reduplicated form of bad in Coastal Southwest Pama Alpher 1972 p 83 Citations edit Alpher 1991 p 4 Alpher 1991 p 3 Kendon 1988 pp 46 67 Tindale 1974 p 171 Alpher 1991 pp 389 391 Alpher 1991 p 1 Alpher 1991 p 86 Alpher 1991 p 2 Alpher 1991 p 87 Alpher 1991 pp 89 90 Alpher 1991 p 336 Alpher 1991 p 94 Roberts 2005 pp 3 4 a b c Sharp 1968 p 117 a b Schiffer 2016 p 219 Stanner 2014 p 274 Stanner 2014 p 278 Sharp 1968 p 118 Sharp 2002 p 240 Alpher 1991 pp 1 2 Mitchell 2003 p 188 Sharp 1968 Sharp 1958 pp 1 8 Sahlins 1974 p 18 n 14 Heilbroner 1989 p 83 Alpher 1991 p 629 Shershow 2005 p 231 n 3 Sources editAlpher Barry 1972 On the Genetic Subgrouping of the Languages of Southwestern Cape York Peninsula Australia Oceanic Linguistics 11 2 67 87 doi 10 2307 3622803 JSTOR 3622803 Alpher Barry 1991 Yir Yoront Lexicon Sketch and Dictionary of an Australian Language Walter de Gruyter ISBN 978 3 110 87265 1 Heilbroner Robert L 1989 Behind the Veil of Economics Essays in the Worldly Philosophy W W Norton amp Company ISBN 978 0 393 24263 8 Kendon Adam 1988 Sign Languages of Aboriginal Australia Cultural Semiotic and Communicative Perspectives Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 36008 1 Mitchell Scott 2003 Guns or barter Indigenous exchange networks and the mediation of conflict in post contact western Arnhem Land In Clarke Anne Torrence Robin eds The Archaeology of Difference Negotiating Cross Cultural Engagements in Oceania Routledge pp 187 220 ISBN 978 1 134 82842 5 Roberts Tony 2005 Frontier Justice A History of the Gulf Country to 1900 University of Queensland Press ISBN 978 0 702 24083 6 Sahlins Marshall 1974 First published 1968 Stone Age Economics Transaction Publishers ISBN 978 0 202 36931 0 Schiffer Michael B 2016 Behavioral Archaeology Principles and Practice Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 90372 6 Sharp Nonie 2002 Saltwater People The Waves of Memory University of Toronto Press p 240 ISBN 978 0 802 08549 8 Sharp R Lauriston June 1934 The Social Organization of the Yir Yoront Tribe Cape York Peninsula Part 1 Kinship and the Family Oceania 4 4 404 431 doi 10 1002 j 1834 4461 1934 tb00120 x JSTOR 27976162 Sharp R Lauriston 1958 People without Politics The Australian Yir Yoront In Ray V F ed Systems of Political Control and Bureaucracy in Human Societies American Ethnological Society pp 1 8 Sharp R Lauriston 1968 Steel Axes for Stone Age Australians In Cohen Yehudi A ed Man in Adaptation The Cultural Present 2nd ed Transaction Publishers pp 116 127 ISBN 978 0 202 36721 7 Shershow Scott Cutler 2005 The Work and the Gift University of Chicago Press ISBN 978 0 226 75257 0 Stanner W E H 2014 On Aboriginal Religion Sydney University Press ISBN 978 1 743 32388 5 Tindale Norman Barnett 1974 Jirjoront QLD Aboriginal Tribes of Australia Their Terrain Environmental Controls Distribution Limits and Proper Names Australian National University Press Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Yir Yoront amp oldid 1223289588, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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