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Shanghai People's Commune

May 16, 2023

The Shanghai People's Commune (Chinese: 上海人民公社; pinyin: Shànghǎi Rénmín Gōngshè) was established in January 1967 during the January Storm (Chinese: 一月风暴), also known as the January Revolution (Chinese: 一月革命),[1] of China's Cultural Revolution by the Shanghai Workers Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters. The Commune was modelled on the Paris Commune. It lasted less than a month before it was replaced by the government.

Shanghai People's Commune
上海人民公社
People's commune of  China
1967

Location of Shanghai in China
History
GovernmentRevolutionary committee
 • TypeCommune
Chairman 
• 1967
Zhang Chunqiao
Historical eraCultural Revolution
• Established
5 January 1967
• Proclaimed
5 February 1967
• Disestablished
24 February 1967

Background

As the mass mobilization phase Cultural Revolution gained momentum in 1966, it became evident that Chairman Mao Zedong and his Maoist followers in Beijing had underestimated the ability of local party organizations to resist the attacks from Red Guards. By the end of 1966 many regional party groupings had survived by paying lip service to Maoist teachings while countering the attacks of local Maoists.[2]

To break the stalemate which had begun to form, Maoist leaders called for the "seizure of power by proletarian revolutionaries", a concept originally mentioned in the Sixteen Articles (a statement of the aims of the Cultural Revolution approved at the 11th Plenum of the Chinese Communist Party in August 1966).

Shanghai was the most industrialized city in China and accounted for almost half of the country's industrial production.[3] Shanghai's experience of the Cultural Revolution had begun in the summer of 1966 with the formation of Red Guard groups proclaiming their loyalty to Chairman Mao. The movement quickly became heavily factionalized (as was the norm), but also rapidly developed very radical tendencies, with attacks on the authority of the city's mayor and physical attacks on government buildings.[4] By the autumn of the same year, the spirit of rebellion had spread from the city's schools to the factories, and there soon followed the creation of many different worker-based groups. In November, several of these groups proceeded to form an alliance (the Shanghai Workers Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters) led by Wang Hongwen.

The formation of the Shanghai Workers Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters perplexed the party's leadership and even Maoist leaders of the Central Group of the Cultural Revolution initially did not take a clear position.[5] Shanghai officials Chen Pixian (head of the Shanghai Party Committee) and Cao Diqiu (Mayor of Shanghai) opposed the group and declared it illegal.[5] The Shanghai bureaucracy viewed the group as counterrevolutionary.[5]

By this point, the Cultural Revolution in Shanghai was proceeding at a rapid pace. On 8 November, the Workers General Headquarters presented a list of demands to the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee demanding the replacement of the old "bureaucracy" with new organs that had widespread support. These demands were refused. The group arranged for mass delegations to travel to Beijing with the intent of meeting the Central Group of the Cultural Revolution to make their case that the Workers General Headquarters was a revolutionary political organization.[5] The authorities blocked the train at Anting, a station at the edge of Shanghai, and kept it waiting for two days.[5] The worker delegation refused to leave the train and the authorities would not yield.[5]

The response from the Maoist leaders in Beijing was one of caution. Their first response was to send a telegram drafted by Chen Boda.[5] The telegram did not address any of the workers' requests, but instead urged all involved to come down, return to work, and to "take firm hold of the revolution and promote production[.]"[6] Wang Hongwen insisted that the telegram must be false and that the workers must go to Beijing to speak directly with party leaders.[7] Academic Alessandro Russo describes the impasse as unprecedented because "[i]n a socialist state founded on the dictatorship of the proletariat, here were workers declaring themselves revolutionary communists while affirming their intransigence on a fully political matter, namely their capacity to organize themselves autonomously. Their position was an open challenge to all forms of established political organization, including that of the Maoist group."[7] The impasse ultimately led to the demise of Chen Boda's career.[3]

On November 11, 1966, the Central Group of the Cultural Revolution sent Zhang Chunqiao to address the situation.[7] The Central Group did not give Zhang a specific mandate regarding how he should do so.[7] On his arrival in Shanghai, Zhang performed a thorough investigation, meeting with both participants in, and observers of, the events.[7] He listened to the workers' requests and shortly thereafter, assumed responsibility for (and took the risk of) accepting their demands.[7] After intense negotiations, Zhang reached an agreement with the Workers General Headquarters: their declaration that they were an independent revolutionary organization was accepted as correct, but they would address their grievances and concerns in an upcoming series of meetings in Shanghai, rather than with the Beijing leadership.[8]

The Central Group of the Cultural Revolution agreed with Zhang's handling of the situation and Mao specifically praised him.[8]

Tensions remained with the party leadership in Shanghai because the agreement negotiated by Zheng contradicted their position.[8] Because they had not signed the agreement, Shanghai party officials did not recognize themselves as legally bound to it.[8] Chen Pixian and Cao Diqiu maintained that Zheng had "capitulated" to the demands of thugs and had thereby renounced the organizational principles of the party itself.[8] Local party authorities responded by setting up a "loyalist" workers organization, backed by official trade unions and the party organization within factories.[8] The group was largely composed of technicians and other skilled workers.[3] To create an association with political orthodoxy, the loyalist organization was named the Scarlet Guards (chi weidui), i.e., a shade "redder than red."[8] The Scarlet Guards had one element to their political program: repudiate the existence of the Workers General Headquarters as enemies of the working class in favor of the legitimacy of the local authorities.[8]

Other workers groups also arose in Shanghai in addition to the Workers General Headquarters and the Scarlet Guards.[3] On the other end of the spectrum from the conservative Scarlet Guards were the most radical of these groups, the Workers' Second Regiment.[3] By the end of 1966, most workers in Shanghai were in one of the several competing groups.[3]

In December, the Scarlet Guards provoked a violent confrontation with the Workers General Headquarters.[3] The Workers General Headquarters learned of how the Shanghai Party Committee had bought off workers to control the Scarlet Guards and rallied other workers to their side, defeating the Scarlet Guards.[3]

Establishment

On 5 January 1967, a dozen groups allied with the Worker's Headquarters grouping published a "Message to all the People of Shanghai" in the city's main newspaper, calling for unity in the workers' movement. The message condemned the Scarlet Guards and the Party and called on all workers to resume production.[3] In a mass meeting led by the Workers General Headquarters on 6 January, Shanghai Party Committee leaders and functionaries were humiliated and dismissed from their posts.[3] Rebel party cadres also played a major role in the collapse of the Shanghai Party Committee.[9] Three days after the mass meeting, Mao described the events in Shanghai as a "great revolution" and stated that the "upsurge of revolutionary power in Shanghai has brought hope to the whole country."[10]

Now leaders of the Central Group for the Cultural Revolution, Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan came to Shanghai.[11] The pair proceeded to strike a deal with Wang Hongwen to guarantee the support of the Worker's Headquarters[12] and attempted to restore the city to order.[11]

Zhang, Yao, and Wen announced the Shanghai Commune, a model based on the Paris Commune.[11] On 5 February 1967, the Shanghai Commune was formally proclaimed with Zhang Chunqiao as the head of the new organisation, but the movement was to be short-lived and marred with difficulty.

Radical groups like the Workers' Second Regiment criticized this new alliance as one imposed from Beijing rather than self-determined by the workers.[11] Violence again broke out in between workers groups in the city and lasted through February.[11]

Manifesto

The Shanghai People's Commune manifesto began, "We proletarian revolutionaries of Shanghai proclaim to the whole country and the whole world that in the great January Revolutionary Storm the old Municipal Committee of Shanghai has collapsed, and the Shanghai People's Commune was born."[13] Its theme overwhelmingly focused on the critical Cultural Revolution concept, the seizure of power.[13] Among its 63 references to seizure of power (in the course of only a few pages), the Manifesto states, "The central task of all our tasks is to take power. We must seize power, seize it completely, seize it one hundred percent."[14]

It repeated some statements by Mao, which included a frequent theme of revolutionary culture articulated by Mao in a 1933 speech: "All revolutionary struggles in the world are made to take political power and strengthen it."[13] The Manifesto also cited two lines from Mao's 1963 poem Response to Guo Muruo: "The Four Seas are rising, clouds and water raging / the Five Continents are rocking, wind and thunder roaring."[13]

Although the Manifesto described the commune as only "a first step," it did not address future goals other than general statements on issues like workers making revolution, stimulating production, self-reforming, and preventing revisionists authorities from seizing power back.[13]

Aftermath

 
Procession in Shanghai in April 1967

Meanwhile, in Beijing, the concept of 'revolutionary committees' (triple alliances between the PLA, cadres, and workers) had attracted Mao as the best organ of local government to replace the old apparatus with. As a result, in an audience with Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan in mid-February, Mao suggested the transformation of the Shanghai Commune into a revolutionary committee.[15] In this meeting, Mao commented on what he described as the "name" problem, stating that the "name" should not be confused with the "real" and the name of the Commune should not be exaggerated because "names come and go."[16] Mao said that if taken only as a synonym for seizing power, the name "Commune" obscured the more pressing strategic task of re-examining the history of revolutionary culture.[17] While Mao endorsed the overall approach, he stated that the movement should be deepened with study.[11] On February 24, in a televised speech to the people of Shanghai, Zhang announced the now non-existence of the Shanghai Commune, and in the subsequent weeks the 'Revolutionary Committee of the Municipality of Shanghai' was established in the city.

In the months following the January Storm, the nationwide political climate changed rapidly.[18] Most independent organizations weakened and collapsed from the constant factional conflict.[18] In almost every city and danwei, the multiplicity of organizations was replaced by pairs of rival organizations, for example the "Sky" and "Earth" factions among Beijing students.[18] As time went on, the head-on clashes between these pairs of rival organizations generally became increasingly formalist and lacking in political content.[18]

Between 1968 and 1976, one million skilled workers from Shanghai were sent to rural underdeveloped inner China, officially to share their "revolutionary experiences" and to help develop the country.[19][20] Some radical leaders who had opposed the Red Guards that dethroned the Shanghai Municipal Committee in 1967 were publicly executed in April 1968.[20]

References

  1. ^ "January Storm". maozhang.net.
  2. ^ Meisner 1986, p. 342.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Karl, Rebecca E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world : a concise history. Durham [NC]: Duke University Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-0-8223-4780-4. OCLC 503828045.
  4. ^ Meisner 1986, p. 343.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 169. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  6. ^ Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. pp. 169–170. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  7. ^ a b c d e f Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 170. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 171. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  9. ^ Walder, Andrew G. (2019). Agents of disorder : inside China's Cultural Revolution. Cambridge, Massachusetts. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-674-24363-7. OCLC 1120781893.
  10. ^ Karl, Rebecca E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world : a concise history. Durham [NC]: Duke University Press. pp. 130–131. ISBN 978-0-8223-4780-4. OCLC 503828045.
  11. ^ a b c d e f Karl, Rebecca E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world : a concise history. Durham [NC]: Duke University Press. p. 131. ISBN 978-0-8223-4780-4. OCLC 503828045.
  12. ^ Meisner 1986, p. 347.
  13. ^ a b c d e Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 191. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  14. ^ Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. pp. 191–192. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  15. ^ MacFarquhar & Schoenhals 2006, p. 168.
  16. ^ Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. pp. 194–195. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  17. ^ Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 197. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  18. ^ a b c d Russo, Alessandro (2020). Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 159. ISBN 1-4780-1218-8. OCLC 1156439609.
  19. ^ Hongsheng & Hazan 2014, p. 230.
  20. ^ a b Courtois 1999, p. 628.

Further reading

  • Badiou, Alain (2018). Pétrograd, Shanghai. Les deux révolutions du XXe siècle (in French). éditions La Fabrique.
  • Bergère, Marie-Claire (1989). La République populaire de Chine de 1949 à nos jours (in French). Paris: Armand Colin.
  • Courtois, Stéphane, ed. (1999). The Black Book of Communism. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-07608-2.
  • Guokai, Liu (2006). (PDF) (in French). Le Courrier International. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 November 2008.
  • Hongsheng, Jiang (2010). The Paris Commune in Shanghai: the Masses, the State, and Dynamics of "Continuous Revolution" (PDF) (PhD). Duke University.
  • Hongsheng, Jiang; Hazan, Éric (2014). La Commune de Shanghai et la Commune de Paris. Paris: La Fabrique. p. 338. ISBN 978-2-35872-063-2. OCLC 893662332.
  • MacFarquhar, Roderick; Schoenhals, M. (2006). Mao's Last Revolution. Belknap Harvard.
  • Meisner, Maurice (1986). Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic since 1949. Free Press.

May 16, 2023
shanghai, people, commune, chinese, 上海人民公社, pinyin, shànghǎi, rénmín, gōngshè, established, january, 1967, during, january, storm, chinese, 一月风暴, also, known, january, revolution, chinese, 一月革命, china, cultural, revolution, shanghai, workers, revolutionary, re. The Shanghai People s Commune Chinese 上海人民公社 pinyin Shanghǎi Renmin Gōngshe was established in January 1967 during the January Storm Chinese 一月风暴 also known as the January Revolution Chinese 一月革命 1 of China s Cultural Revolution by the Shanghai Workers Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters The Commune was modelled on the Paris Commune It lasted less than a month before it was replaced by the government Shanghai People s Commune上海人民公社People s commune of China1967Location of Shanghai in ChinaHistoryGovernmentRevolutionary committee TypeCommuneChairman 1967Zhang ChunqiaoHistorical eraCultural Revolution Established5 January 1967 Proclaimed5 February 1967 Disestablished24 February 1967 Contents 1 Background 2 Establishment 2 1 Manifesto 3 Aftermath 4 References 5 Further readingBackground EditAs the mass mobilization phase Cultural Revolution gained momentum in 1966 it became evident that Chairman Mao Zedong and his Maoist followers in Beijing had underestimated the ability of local party organizations to resist the attacks from Red Guards By the end of 1966 many regional party groupings had survived by paying lip service to Maoist teachings while countering the attacks of local Maoists 2 To break the stalemate which had begun to form Maoist leaders called for the seizure of power by proletarian revolutionaries a concept originally mentioned in the Sixteen Articles a statement of the aims of the Cultural Revolution approved at the 11th Plenum of the Chinese Communist Party in August 1966 Shanghai was the most industrialized city in China and accounted for almost half of the country s industrial production 3 Shanghai s experience of the Cultural Revolution had begun in the summer of 1966 with the formation of Red Guard groups proclaiming their loyalty to Chairman Mao The movement quickly became heavily factionalized as was the norm but also rapidly developed very radical tendencies with attacks on the authority of the city s mayor and physical attacks on government buildings 4 By the autumn of the same year the spirit of rebellion had spread from the city s schools to the factories and there soon followed the creation of many different worker based groups In November several of these groups proceeded to form an alliance the Shanghai Workers Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters led by Wang Hongwen The formation of the Shanghai Workers Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters perplexed the party s leadership and even Maoist leaders of the Central Group of the Cultural Revolution initially did not take a clear position 5 Shanghai officials Chen Pixian head of the Shanghai Party Committee and Cao Diqiu Mayor of Shanghai opposed the group and declared it illegal 5 The Shanghai bureaucracy viewed the group as counterrevolutionary 5 By this point the Cultural Revolution in Shanghai was proceeding at a rapid pace On 8 November the Workers General Headquarters presented a list of demands to the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee demanding the replacement of the old bureaucracy with new organs that had widespread support These demands were refused The group arranged for mass delegations to travel to Beijing with the intent of meeting the Central Group of the Cultural Revolution to make their case that the Workers General Headquarters was a revolutionary political organization 5 The authorities blocked the train at Anting a station at the edge of Shanghai and kept it waiting for two days 5 The worker delegation refused to leave the train and the authorities would not yield 5 The response from the Maoist leaders in Beijing was one of caution Their first response was to send a telegram drafted by Chen Boda 5 The telegram did not address any of the workers requests but instead urged all involved to come down return to work and to take firm hold of the revolution and promote production 6 Wang Hongwen insisted that the telegram must be false and that the workers must go to Beijing to speak directly with party leaders 7 Academic Alessandro Russo describes the impasse as unprecedented because i n a socialist state founded on the dictatorship of the proletariat here were workers declaring themselves revolutionary communists while affirming their intransigence on a fully political matter namely their capacity to organize themselves autonomously Their position was an open challenge to all forms of established political organization including that of the Maoist group 7 The impasse ultimately led to the demise of Chen Boda s career 3 On November 11 1966 the Central Group of the Cultural Revolution sent Zhang Chunqiao to address the situation 7 The Central Group did not give Zhang a specific mandate regarding how he should do so 7 On his arrival in Shanghai Zhang performed a thorough investigation meeting with both participants in and observers of the events 7 He listened to the workers requests and shortly thereafter assumed responsibility for and took the risk of accepting their demands 7 After intense negotiations Zhang reached an agreement with the Workers General Headquarters their declaration that they were an independent revolutionary organization was accepted as correct but they would address their grievances and concerns in an upcoming series of meetings in Shanghai rather than with the Beijing leadership 8 The Central Group of the Cultural Revolution agreed with Zhang s handling of the situation and Mao specifically praised him 8 Tensions remained with the party leadership in Shanghai because the agreement negotiated by Zheng contradicted their position 8 Because they had not signed the agreement Shanghai party officials did not recognize themselves as legally bound to it 8 Chen Pixian and Cao Diqiu maintained that Zheng had capitulated to the demands of thugs and had thereby renounced the organizational principles of the party itself 8 Local party authorities responded by setting up a loyalist workers organization backed by official trade unions and the party organization within factories 8 The group was largely composed of technicians and other skilled workers 3 To create an association with political orthodoxy the loyalist organization was named the Scarlet Guards chi weidui i e a shade redder than red 8 The Scarlet Guards had one element to their political program repudiate the existence of the Workers General Headquarters as enemies of the working class in favor of the legitimacy of the local authorities 8 Other workers groups also arose in Shanghai in addition to the Workers General Headquarters and the Scarlet Guards 3 On the other end of the spectrum from the conservative Scarlet Guards were the most radical of these groups the Workers Second Regiment 3 By the end of 1966 most workers in Shanghai were in one of the several competing groups 3 In December the Scarlet Guards provoked a violent confrontation with the Workers General Headquarters 3 The Workers General Headquarters learned of how the Shanghai Party Committee had bought off workers to control the Scarlet Guards and rallied other workers to their side defeating the Scarlet Guards 3 Establishment EditOn 5 January 1967 a dozen groups allied with the Worker s Headquarters grouping published a Message to all the People of Shanghai in the city s main newspaper calling for unity in the workers movement The message condemned the Scarlet Guards and the Party and called on all workers to resume production 3 In a mass meeting led by the Workers General Headquarters on 6 January Shanghai Party Committee leaders and functionaries were humiliated and dismissed from their posts 3 Rebel party cadres also played a major role in the collapse of the Shanghai Party Committee 9 Three days after the mass meeting Mao described the events in Shanghai as a great revolution and stated that the upsurge of revolutionary power in Shanghai has brought hope to the whole country 10 Now leaders of the Central Group for the Cultural Revolution Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan came to Shanghai 11 The pair proceeded to strike a deal with Wang Hongwen to guarantee the support of the Worker s Headquarters 12 and attempted to restore the city to order 11 Zhang Yao and Wen announced the Shanghai Commune a model based on the Paris Commune 11 On 5 February 1967 the Shanghai Commune was formally proclaimed with Zhang Chunqiao as the head of the new organisation but the movement was to be short lived and marred with difficulty Radical groups like the Workers Second Regiment criticized this new alliance as one imposed from Beijing rather than self determined by the workers 11 Violence again broke out in between workers groups in the city and lasted through February 11 Manifesto Edit The Shanghai People s Commune manifesto began We proletarian revolutionaries of Shanghai proclaim to the whole country and the whole world that in the great January Revolutionary Storm the old Municipal Committee of Shanghai has collapsed and the Shanghai People s Commune was born 13 Its theme overwhelmingly focused on the critical Cultural Revolution concept the seizure of power 13 Among its 63 references to seizure of power in the course of only a few pages the Manifesto states The central task of all our tasks is to take power We must seize power seize it completely seize it one hundred percent 14 It repeated some statements by Mao which included a frequent theme of revolutionary culture articulated by Mao in a 1933 speech All revolutionary struggles in the world are made to take political power and strengthen it 13 The Manifesto also cited two lines from Mao s 1963 poem Response to Guo Muruo The Four Seas are rising clouds and water raging the Five Continents are rocking wind and thunder roaring 13 Although the Manifesto described the commune as only a first step it did not address future goals other than general statements on issues like workers making revolution stimulating production self reforming and preventing revisionists authorities from seizing power back 13 Aftermath Edit Procession in Shanghai in April 1967 Meanwhile in Beijing the concept of revolutionary committees triple alliances between the PLA cadres and workers had attracted Mao as the best organ of local government to replace the old apparatus with As a result in an audience with Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan in mid February Mao suggested the transformation of the Shanghai Commune into a revolutionary committee 15 In this meeting Mao commented on what he described as the name problem stating that the name should not be confused with the real and the name of the Commune should not be exaggerated because names come and go 16 Mao said that if taken only as a synonym for seizing power the name Commune obscured the more pressing strategic task of re examining the history of revolutionary culture 17 While Mao endorsed the overall approach he stated that the movement should be deepened with study 11 On February 24 in a televised speech to the people of Shanghai Zhang announced the now non existence of the Shanghai Commune and in the subsequent weeks the Revolutionary Committee of the Municipality of Shanghai was established in the city In the months following the January Storm the nationwide political climate changed rapidly 18 Most independent organizations weakened and collapsed from the constant factional conflict 18 In almost every city and danwei the multiplicity of organizations was replaced by pairs of rival organizations for example the Sky and Earth factions among Beijing students 18 As time went on the head on clashes between these pairs of rival organizations generally became increasingly formalist and lacking in political content 18 Between 1968 and 1976 one million skilled workers from Shanghai were sent to rural underdeveloped inner China officially to share their revolutionary experiences and to help develop the country 19 20 Some radical leaders who had opposed the Red Guards that dethroned the Shanghai Municipal Committee in 1967 were publicly executed in April 1968 20 References Edit January Storm maozhang net Meisner 1986 p 342 a b c d e f g h i j Karl Rebecca E 2010 Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth century world a concise history Durham NC Duke University Press p 130 ISBN 978 0 8223 4780 4 OCLC 503828045 Meisner 1986 p 343 a b c d e f g Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press p 169 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press pp 169 170 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 a b c d e f Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press p 170 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 a b c d e f g h Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press p 171 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 Walder Andrew G 2019 Agents of disorder inside China s Cultural Revolution Cambridge Massachusetts p 45 ISBN 978 0 674 24363 7 OCLC 1120781893 Karl Rebecca E 2010 Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth century world a concise history Durham NC Duke University Press pp 130 131 ISBN 978 0 8223 4780 4 OCLC 503828045 a b c d e f Karl Rebecca E 2010 Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth century world a concise history Durham NC Duke University Press p 131 ISBN 978 0 8223 4780 4 OCLC 503828045 Meisner 1986 p 347 a b c d e Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press p 191 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press pp 191 192 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 MacFarquhar amp Schoenhals 2006 p 168 Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press pp 194 195 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press p 197 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 a b c d Russo Alessandro 2020 Cultural Revolution and revolutionary culture Durham Duke University Press p 159 ISBN 1 4780 1218 8 OCLC 1156439609 Hongsheng amp Hazan 2014 p 230 a b Courtois 1999 p 628 Further reading EditBadiou Alain 2018 Petrograd Shanghai Les deux revolutions du XXe siecle in French editions La Fabrique Bergere Marie Claire 1989 La Republique populaire de Chine de 1949 a nos jours in French Paris Armand Colin Courtois Stephane ed 1999 The Black Book of Communism Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 07608 2 Guokai Liu 2006 La Revolution Culturelle PDF in French Le Courrier International Archived from the original PDF on 19 November 2008 Hongsheng Jiang 2010 The Paris Commune in Shanghai the Masses the State and Dynamics of Continuous Revolution PDF PhD Duke University Hongsheng Jiang Hazan Eric 2014 La Commune de Shanghai et la Commune de Paris Paris La Fabrique p 338 ISBN 978 2 35872 063 2 OCLC 893662332 MacFarquhar Roderick Schoenhals M 2006 Mao s Last Revolution Belknap Harvard Meisner Maurice 1986 Mao s China and After A History of the People s Republic since 1949 Free Press Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Shanghai People 27s Commune amp oldid 1153639117, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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